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Themes in South African Psychology (1948–2011)

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A History of “Relevance” in Psychology
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Abstract

Psychology is prized in Western societies on account of its interest in social problems—an inclination that, historically, assumed such proportions that it did not take long for practical psychology to supersede in scope the marginally older academic psychology (Jansz 2004). In a similar manner, the development of psychology in South Africa depended on its degree of social engagement, exemplified by psychologists’ contributions to the Poor White study, during mobilization efforts, and in the disciplining of black labor (Seedat and MacKenzie 2008). Indeed, the relationship of psychology to society is a recurring motif in South African psychology congresses, going some way toward explaining the persistence of debates about “relevance” in the country. But before commencing with the critical discursive analysis itself, some degree of familiarity with the contents of the analyzed addresses is required.

It is only in psychology that we tend to have sharp separation between the basic researcher and the applied researcher. And I believe the basic researchers are to be blamed for this…(Ronald Albino 1983)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This passage was translated from the original Afrikaans.

  2. 2.

    Psychology as a profession was only recognized statutorily in 1974 with the establishment of the first Professional Board for Psychology.

  3. 3.

    This passage was translated from the original Afrikaans.

  4. 4.

    All excerpts from this address were translated from the original Afrikaans.

  5. 5.

    This passage was translated from the original Afrikaans.

  6. 6.

    This explains the frequent references in PIRSA addresses to trends in American research (e.g. la Grange 1966; Robbertse 1967; van der Merwe 1974)—with Robbertse at one point feeling the need to justify his support for this “new American illness” (Robbertse 1964, p. 8).

  7. 7.

    Language barriers also played a part in the Americanization of psychology in post-war South Africa (Strümpfer 1993).

  8. 8.

    Prior to the 1982 SAPA-PIRSA merger, these discussions were conducted almost exclusively by PIRSA presidents (du Toit 1975; Hattingh 1966; la Grange 1950; la Grange 1962; Langenhoven 1977; Langenhoven 1978; Rademeyer 1982; Raubenheimer 1981). The significance of this finding is attenuated, however, by the fact that no SAPA addresses could be sourced for the period 1963–1978. Nonetheless, it is generally accepted within the literature that Afrikaner psychologists dominated the vanguard of professionalization efforts (e.g. Cooper and Nicholas 2012; Strümpfer 1993).

  9. 9.

    The Wilgespruit Fellowship Centre (WFC) was established in 1949 by Christian ministers and teachers to promote ecumenicalism and multiracialism. It provided several anti-apartheid organizations with T-group training through what were known as Personal Relations and Organisational Development (PROD) programs. The WFC counted Steve Biko among its attendees and can be said to have played a role in the formation of the Black Consciousness movement. In the early 1970s, the WFC came under attack from several Afrikaner newspapers that alleged that the Centre was using psychological methods to foment a liberal-socialist takeover. Following a ministerial commission of inquiry, the then Prime Minister branded the WFC a “den of iniquity” (Vanek 2005, p. 157).

  10. 10.

    Some of the important papers to come out of English language psychology departments include Holdstock (1979, 1981a, b); Dawes (1985, 1986), and Berger and Lazarus (1987). Holdstock’s series of papers was influential in the early days of the “relevance” debate and has become popular again in recent years. He called attention to the “neglected potential” (Holdstock 1979, p. 118) of indigenous healing, citing the fact that “there is only one registered black clinical psychologist in the Republic of South Africa” (p. 119). Two years later, his tone was less diplomatic: “Psychology departments at Afrikaans universities, in the first instance, are generally more applied than their English counterparts. Secondly, they attach greater importance in their clinical endeavors to the therapeutic techniques of Rogers than is the case at English-speaking departments. The paradox to be resolved is how, in the light of adherence to certain Rogerian principles, Afrikaans departments have managed to remain as aloof as they have been from the racial issues facing the country” (Holdstock 1981a, p. 125). As far as Holdstock was concerned, psychologists in South Africa needed “a crash course in the teaching of empathy” (Holdstock 1981a, p. 127). He argued that “Psychology in South Africa is like the proverbial ostrich” (Holdstock 1981b, p. 7), requiring not only an “attitude transplant” (p. 8) but also a dose of “unconditional positive regard” (p. 9) in order to realize that “[b]lack persons are people too” (p. 8). By contrast, Dawes took issue with what he called Holdstock’s “innocent Rogerianism” (Dawes 1985, p. 57) and the latter’s elevation of cultural over class considerations.

  11. 11.

    The weight of this finding is diminished, again, by the fact that no SAPA addresses could be located for most of the 1960s and 1970s. Then again, SAPA addresses of the 1950s were not critical of the psychological research of those years.

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Long, W. (2016). Themes in South African Psychology (1948–2011). In: A History of “Relevance” in Psychology. Palgrave Studies in the Theory and History of Psychology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47489-6_4

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