Abstract
Why do some peace agreements end civil conflict while others break down? Empirical evidence underscores the importance of sustainability: the Rwandan genocide succeeded the 1992 Arusha peace agreement; likewise, some of the worst violence in Angola, Sri Lanka and Cambodia (among others) followed the breakdown of peace accords.
The author would like to thank Lynn Eden, Page Fortna, Barry OāNeill and Steve Stedman for many useful discussions. The financial assistance of the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada is gratefully acknowledged.
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Notes
S. J. Stedman, āSpoiler Problems in Peace Processesā, International Security, 22, 2 (Fall 1997), 5.
This ātactical acceptanceā thesis is mostly promoted by D. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985).
See N. Sambanis, āConflict Resolution Ripeness and Spoiler Problems in Cyprus: from the Intercommunal Talks (1968ā1974) to the Presentā, paper presented to the American Political Science Association (25 September 1998).
For a rebuttal of the thesis that Arafat has never been interested in peace see D. Sontag, āQuest for Mideast Peace: How and Why It Failedā, New York Times, 26 July 2001.
See also H. Agha & R. Malley, āCamp David: the Tragedy of Errorsā, The New York Review of Books, 9 August 2001.
See R. Brynen, A Very Political Economy. Peacebuilding and Foreign Aid in the West Bank and Gaza (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2000), p. 40; see also āDownsizing amid the Uprisingā, The Economist, 10 August 2001.
See especially B. R Walter, āThe Critical Barrier to Civil War Settlementā, International Organization 51, 3 (Summer 1997).
For a discussion of the security dilemma in civil wars see Barry Posen, āThe Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflictā, in Michael Brown (ed.), Ethnic Conflict and International Security (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
B. F. Walter, Designing Transitions from Violent Civil War, IGCC Policy Paper 31 (San Diego: UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation, 1998), available at http://www-igcc.ucsd.edu/igcc2/PolicyPapers/pp31.html; Internet.
A modified version of the argument was subsequently published in International Security, 24, 1 (1999).
Walter, āThe Critical Barrier to Civil War Settlementā. See also Fen Osier Hampson, Nurturing Peace (Washington: USIP, 1996). This argument is very similar to the standard IR argument about the role of institutions or regimes in fostering cooperation under anarchy.
On the differentiated role of implementers see particularly the conclusions of the Stedman et al. study. S. J. Stedman, āImplementing Peace Agreements in Civil Wars: Lessons and Recommendations for Policymakersā, IPA Policy Paper on Peace Implementation (New York: International Peace Academy, May 2001).
M. Zahar, āThe Problem of Commitment to Peace: Lessons from Bosnia and Lebanonā, paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Atlanta, 2ā5 September 1999.
This assumption is common in game-theoretic analyses of decision-making. It is also eminently reasonable, as no leader should be expected to sign on his demise. See R. Putnam, āDiplomacy and Domestic Politics: the Logic of Two-Level Gamesā, International Organization, 42, 3 (Summer 1998).
The financial rewards gleaned by the Khmer Rouge in the ruby-mining business, by UNITA in the diamond trade and by the Shan United Army in the opium trade illustrate the importance of the war economy. For a discussion of this phenomenon see M. Berdal & D. Keen, āViolence and Economic Agendas in Civil Wars: Some Policy Implicationsā, Millennium, 26, 3 (1988).
S. W. R. de A. Samarasinghe and R. Coughlan (eds), Economic Dimensions of Ethnic Conflict (London: Pinter Publishers, 1991), p. 184.
T. D. Sisk, Power Sharing and International Mediation in Ethnic Conflicts (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 1996), especially Ch. 5.
C. Hartzell & D. Rothchild, āPolitical Pacts as Negotiated Agreements: Comparing Ethnic and Non-Ethnic Casesā, International Negotiation, 2 (1997), 147ā71.
E. J. Wood, āCivil War Settlement: Modeling the Bases of Compromiseā, paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Atlanta, 2ā5 September 1999.
P. Kecskemeti, āPolitical Rationality in Ending Warā, in W. T. R. Fox (ed.), How Wars End (Philadelphia: The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1970), pp. 105ā15.
See M. Zahar, āFanatics, Mercenaries, Brigandsā¦ and Politicians: Militia Decision-Making and Civil Conflict Resolutionā, PhD dissertation, McGill University, Canada, 2000. See also Wood, āCivil War Settlementā, and Sisk, Power Sharing and International Mediation in Ethnic Conflicts.
Walter, āDesigning Transitions from Civil Warā; M. Zahar, āThe Problem of Commitment to Peace: Actors, Incentives and Choice in Peace Implementationā, paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, 31 August-3 September 2000.
J. Fearon, āCommitment Problems and the Spread of Ethnic Conflictā, in D. Lake & D. Rothchild (eds), The International Spread of Ethnic Conflict: Fear, Diffusion, and Escalation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 107ā26.
In my dissertation research, I established the importance of intra-factional politics for leadersā decisions to accept or reject peace settlements. See also S. Stedman, Peacemaking in Civil Wars: International Mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974ā1980 (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1991).
For a discussion of similar dynamics in international crises see J. Fearon, āDomestic Political Audiences and the Escalation of International Disputesā, American Political Science Review, 88, 3 (September 1994), 579ā81.
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Zahar, MJ. (2003). Reframing the Spoiler Debate in Peace Processes. In: Darby, J., Ginty, R.M. (eds) Contemporary Peacemaking. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403918475_11
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