Abstract
By mapping the trajectories of changing dynamics in land relations in both colonial and postcolonial periods in rural West Bengal, this chapter tries to understand the way the land has been determining the issues of the rural economy in the rural hinterland. Based on field-survey data, this chapter argues, first, that the issues of land are shaped through a complex process of dynamic interaction between class, caste and capital. Second, the way the state and its policies do intervene in this complex process in order to shape the issues of land in rural areas has been complicating the matter further by way of privileging the capital and the landed class belonging to higher castes at the expense of the labouring class belonging to subordinate caste groups.
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Notes
- 1.
The list of zamindars provided by Sarkar entails that many of them actually belonged to the upper castes.
- 2.
The sharecroppers include the bhagchasi, bargadar or adhiar.
- 3.
In both the cases, a proportion though being very small from Poundra Kshatrya and Rajbanshi is having large amount of landed property and locally dominant. The social, political and economic dominance of this section of people are huge.
- 4.
Two other castes, namely Tili and Bhumij-Kshatriyas, had taken successfully the same way of social mobility movements.
- 5.
The Nabasakh rank in the caste hierarchy in Bengal is said to have been formed of nine (nava) branches (sakha) of the clean sudras. But its rank now includes 14 castes, in some places in Bengal even 15 or 16 castes. In general social estimation, the nabasakh castes remain below the Baidyas and Kayasthas as the latter are mostly land owners and professionals, while the Nabasakh castes are traditionally and predominantly artisans, agriculturalists and traders. But like these two castes, they enjoy the right to offer drinking water to the Brahmans. Hence they are jalacharaniya, that is, water (jal) served by them is acceptable to the Brahmans. The nabasakh castes are entitled to receive the services of the clean Brahmans in their religious functions. (Sanyal 1981: 39–41).
- 6.
It is true, as Chatterjee argues, ‘whatever growth did occur was for a limited period, in specific regions and among owners of large holding’ (1999: 53).
- 7.
Downloadable at www.parliamentofindia.nic.in/jpi/March2000/CHAP-5htm
- 8.
In 1999, the NSSO report says, only 12 per cent of all pump sets used by the farmers in West Bengal are electrified.
- 9.
This category includes most obviously the ST and the lower castes among the Muslims. As they are beyond our purview of discussion, I would skip their cause.
- 10.
One respondent informs that the ardent followers of the top leaders of the CPI (M) party live in the neighbouring villages.
- 11.
Boro paddy and potato are grown extensively by the farmers as commercial crops. The Shallow Tube Well (STW)s and Deep Tube Well (DTW)s are used for irrigation purpose if or when necessary.
- 12.
The men labourers earn around Rs. 150.00 with some food as breakfast in the morning as per day wages whereas the wage stipulated by the state government of West Bengal was Rs. 206 with food per day during the same period.
- 13.
This is an ‘Impact study of Hapa and its multiple uses in Bankura district’. The study has been conducted in Hirbandh block, Bankura, in the year 2012. The report of the study is downloadable at www.iwmi.cgir.org. Delhi.
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Roy, D. (2020). Land, Caste and Class in Rural West Bengal. In: Mishra, D., Nayak, P. (eds) Land and Livelihoods in Neoliberal India. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-3511-6_7
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