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Introduction Ibsenism and Reinventions of Chinese Culture

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Abstract

The reception of Ibsen has never been a mere literary experience in China. It is actually a history of cultural politics, as well as a history of social change in China, in which one can see China’s incessant attempts in the pursuit of cultural modernity and in the reinvention of Chinese culture that involves redefinitions of the self, women, class and nation. It is also an event of global cultural flow, involving geographical and social dimensions of how the Ibsenian ideas of socio-moral revolution have been channeled to China through the mediation of Japanese, Anglo-American, Russian and Norwegian sources and caused a series of debates in the Chinese revolutions. In this process, one will see what countries and critics have served as agents in interpreting Ibsen for Chinese consumption. The migration of ideas is a complex phenomenon, in which the historical and geographical dimensions of “ideoscapes” have to be considered. As many scholars have pointed out, China’s interaction with the West is a double process involving both the socio-economic need to modernize China and China’s cultural need for modernity. There is a theory that most of the major cultural and political changes that occurred in China in the hundred years from the early 1820s to the 1920s were China’s response to Western challenges. While this is true, there is another theory which argues that China’s changes were due to its domestic needs for change.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), 36–3.

  2. 2.

    The theory of China’s response to the West as an explanation of social changes was proposed in Ssu-yü Têng and John King Fairbank, China’s Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839–1923 (New York: Atheneum, 1963).

  3. 3.

    Lu Xun 鲁迅, “On Extremities in Cultural Development ” [Wenhua pianzhi lun 文化偏致論] Henan, no. 7 (August 1908a). Reprinted in ibid., 50. In this essay, Lu Xun used the pen-name Xun Xing 迅行.

  4. 4.

    Arishima Takeo , “Ibsen’s Attitude in His Work” [Ibusen no shigotoburi 易卜生之工作態度], Shincho (July 1920). Trans. Lu Xun 魯迅. The Current [Benliu 奔流] 1, no. 3 (August 1928a): 417–30. Reprinted in Complete Works of Lu Xun [Lu Xun chuanji 鲁迅全集], Vol. 12 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1973), 142. See also Toshihiko Sato, “Henrik Ibsen in Japan,” PhD diss., University of Washington (Seattle), 1966, 57 and 174.

  5. 5.

    Hu Shi 胡適, “Ibsenism” [Yibusheng zhuyi 易卜生主義], New Youth [Xin qingnian 新青年], 4, no. 6 (June 1918a): 492.

  6. 6.

    Ibid., 490. As Michael Meyer points out, the interpretation of A Doll’s House as a nineteenth-century feminist work is attributed to Shaw, who was too eager to draw moral messages from Ibsen’s works. For details, see Michael Meyer, “The Critic of Society,” in Ibsen; A Biography (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1972), 457.

  7. 7.

    More details about this production will be given in other parts of the book, particularly Chapter Six.

  8. 8.

    The “Amateur Theatre ” in China in the 1930s did not mean unprofessional productions. It meant non-commercial and it was a movement that placed emphasis on art and ideology in the theatre. The Shanghai Amateur Dramatists’ Association was funded by the communists and run by left-wing theatre practitioners. According to the theatre critics, including Cao Juren 曹聚仁 and others, the production was so exquisite that attention was given to even the minor details in stage design and lighting.

  9. 9.

    In Zhao Dan’s memoir The Gate of Hell [Diyu zhi men 地獄之門], there is information about the how the communists funded the production and trained the actors. The film Zhao Dan 趙丹also provided details of the communist activities behind the production.

  10. 10.

    For details, please refer to Chapter Nine of this book, pp. 184–5.

  11. 11.

    Yuxin Ma, Women Journalists and Feminism in China, 1898–1937 (Amherst, MA: Cambria Press, 2010), 260–61.

  12. 12.

    Ibid., 257. The Chinese characters for ziyou zhiyezhe are “自由職業者.”

  13. 13.

    Xiao Qian 蕭乾, “Peer Gynt—A Verse Drama Condemning Individualism ” [Pi’er Jinte—Yi bu. qing xuan geren zhuyi de shiju 皮爾金特—一部清算個人主義的詩劇], Ta Kung Pao [Dagong bao 大公報] (Hong Kong), 15 August 1949.

  14. 14.

    Xiao Qian 蕭乾, “Translator’s Preface to Peer Gynt ” [“Pi’er Jinte yizhe qianyan” 皮爾金特譯者前言], World Literature [Shijie wenxue 世界文學], no. 3 (1978): 71.

  15. 15.

    Hsiao Ch’ien (Xiao Qian), The Dragon Beards Versus the Blueprints (London: The Pilot Press, 1944).

  16. 16.

    See Kwok-kan Tam, “Ibsen and Modern Chinese Dramatists: Influences and Parallels,” Modern Chinese Literature 2, no. 1 (Spring 1986b): 45–62; Terry Siu-han Yip and Kwok-kan Tam, “European Influences on Modern Chinese Drama: Kuo Mo-jo’s Early Historical Plays,” Journal of Oriental Studies 24, no. 1 (1986): 54–65; and Kwok-kan Tam, “The Shanghai Performance of A Doll’s House and the Mystery of Jiang Qing’s Role in the Stage Production and in the Revolution: A Research Note and Review,” Journal of Oriental Studies 25, no. 2 (1987): 197–201.

  17. 17.

    Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party . https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch01.htm. Accessed 20 May 2018.

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Tam, Kk. (2019). Introduction Ibsenism and Reinventions of Chinese Culture. In: Chinese Ibsenism. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6303-0_1

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