Abstract
This chapter examines the transformation of the mainstream Islamist party in Tunisia during the period 2011–16. As the country went through a period of dramatic political transformation, the party had to deal with a large mobilised Islamic public. Nahda is the historical Tunisian Islamist party and its origins date back to 1972. It started as a preaching jamaa (society) but politicised during the 1980s. It was however not given a chance of political participation and the leadership never confronted its constituency with respect to its political transformation. The two challenges for the party after the ousting of Ben Ali in 2011 were facing the nationalist and anti-Islamic elites on the one hand, and a radical Islamist public, its natural constituency, on the other hand. The polarisation of the political landscape between two opposed factions—Islamist and nationalist—in 2012–13 risked causing the party’s strategy of moderation to fail. In this chapter we use the political process approach within Social Movement Theory to establish how political opportunity structures had an influence on the final transformation of Nahda. This chapter contributes to the general topic of the book by arguing that Islamist movements and parties are the most important opposition groups in Tunisia and that they are the main actors in the politics of contention and mobilisation.
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Notes
- 1.
Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of contention (Cambridge University Press, 2001).
- 2.
Dominique Thomas, Générationsjihadistes. Al-Qaida-EtatIslamique, histoire d’unelutte fratricide (Paris: MichalonEditeur, 2016).
- 3.
Anne Wolf, ‘An Islamist “renaissance”? Religion and politics in post-revolutionary Tunisia,’ The Journal of North African Studies 18.4 (2013): 560–573.
- 4.
In this chapter we only make general reference to the other important Islamist movement, Ansar al Sharia. For a study of AST within the social movement frame, see Fabio Merone, ‘Between social contention and takfirism: the evolution of the Salafi-jihadi movement in Tunisia,’ Mediterranean Politics 22.1 (2017): 71–90 and Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, ‘Ansar al-Sharia Tunisia’s long game: dawa, hisba, and jihad, ICCT Research Paper, May 2013,’ (2013): 1–25.
- 5.
Luca Ozzano, ‘The many faces of the political god: a typology of religiously oriented parties,’ Democratization 20.5 (2013): 807–830.
- 6.
Intissar Kherigi, ‘Ennahda separation of the religious and the political: a historic change or a risky maneuver?,’ Alsharq Forum, last accessed September 2, 2017, http://www.sharqforum.org/2016/09/08/ennahdhas-separation-of-the-religious-and-the-political-a-historic-change-or-a-risky-maneuver/
- 7.
This is a similar process to that of the European socialist parties when they cut off the organic link with the working unions.
- 8.
Asef Bayat, ’Islamism and social movement theory,’ Third World Quarterly 26.6 (2005): 891–908.
- 9.
The name Nahda means ‘renaissance.’ The name was chosen because did not make explicit reference to religion, as requested by the new law on political organisations.
- 10.
Quintan Wiktorowicz, ed. Islamic activism: a social movement approach (Indiana University Press, 2004).
- 11.
Quintan Wiktorowicz, ed. Islamic activism: a social movement approach (Indiana University Press, 2004), 3.
- 12.
Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Civil society as social control: State power in Jordan,’ Comparative politics (2000): 43–61.
- 13.
Carrie Rosefsky Wickham, Mobilizing Islam: Religion, activism and political change in Egypt (Columbia University Press, 2005).
- 14.
Janine Clark, Islam, charity, and activism: Middle-class networks and social welfare in Egypt, Jordan, and Yemen (Indiana University Press, 2004); Janine Clark, ‘The conditions of Islamist moderation: Unpacking Cross-Ideological cooperation in Jordan,’ International Journal of Middle East Studies 38.04 (2006): 539–560.
- 15.
Diane Singerman, ‘The networked world of Islamist social movements’ in Islamic activism: a social movement approach (Indiana University Press, 2004), 143–163.
- 16.
Mohammed Hafez, ‘From Marginalization to Massacres: A Political Process Explanation of GIA Violence in Algeria’ in Islamic activism: a social movement approach (Indiana University Press, 2004), 39.
- 17.
Mohammed Hafez, Why Muslims rebel: Repression and resistance in the Islamic world (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003).
- 18.
Mohammed Hafez, ‘From Marginalization to Massacres: A Political Process Explanation of GIA Violence in Algeria,’ Ibidem.
- 19.
Doug McAdam, ‘Micromobilization contexts and recruitment to activism,’ International Social Movement Research 1.1 (1988): 125–154. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of contention (Cambridge University Press, 2001).
- 20.
Sami Zemni, ‘The extraordinary politics of the Tunisian revolution: the process of constitution making,’ Mediterranean Politics 20.1 (2015): 1–17.
- 21.
While the nationalist camp coalesced to push the Islamist party back to opposition, this exit was less a total victory than a political compromise. A national coalition of civil society groups (headed by the strong union UGTT) supported a compromise between the two main contenders (Nahda and Nidaa), favouring a democratic resolution to the crisis. The result was a national unity government that is remained in 2017 (although with several government re-shuffles).
- 22.
Yadh Ben Achour, Tunisie: unerévolution en pays d’Islam, (Tunis:Cérès Edition, 2017).
- 23.
The assembly created in March was also called the ‘Ben Achour assembly,’ named after its chair. Its main scope was the approval of a new electoral law.
- 24.
Nahda won 37 per cent of the votes, which was four times more than the second most popular party, CPR, which scored 8.7 per cent. The parties in the governing coalition (Nahda, CPR, Ettakatol) were the three parties that polled highest in the election, with a combined total of approximately 53 per cent of the votes.
- 25.
Fabio Merone and Francesco Cavatorta, ‘Salafist movement and sheikh-ism in the Tunisian democratic transition,’ Middle East Law and Governance 5.3 (2013): 308–330.
- 26.
BBC, “Protesters attack TV station over film Persepolis” BBC, last modified October 9, 2011, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-15233442
- 27.
Tristan Dreisbach, ‘Three landmines explode around Mount Chaambi this week’ Tunisia live, last modified November 20, 2013, http://www.tunisia-live.net/2013/11/20/three-landmines-explode-on-chaambi-mountain-this-week/
- 28.
BBC ‘Tunisia prime minister HamadiJebali resigns’ BBC, last modified February 19, 2013, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-21508498
- 29.
Fabio Merone, ‘Between social contention and takfirism: the evolution of the Salafi-jihadi movement in Tunisia,’ Mediterranean Politics 22.1 (2017): 71–90.
- 30.
Nidaa Tunis won 85 seats in parliament against 69 for Nahda. The Islamist party did not present a candidate for the presidential election.
- 31.
AmelBoubekeur, ‘Islamists, secularists and old regime elites in Tunisia: bargained competition,’ Mediterranean Politics 21.1 (2016): 119
- 32.
Amanda Kadlec, ‘Tunisia’s paradoxical political union: Ennahda and Nidaa Tunis,’ The Randa bloc, last modified February 5, 2016, https://www.rand.org/blog/2016/02/tunisias-paradoxical-political-union-ennahda-and-nidaa.html
- 33.
Jasmine Foundation, ‘Tunisia crackdown raises fears of rights rollbacks,’ Jasmine Foundation, last modified August 29, 2014, http://www.jasminefoundation.org/en/?p=960
- 34.
Under Ben Ali’s regime, the only tolerated ‘civil society’ groups were human rights associations that were mostly monopolised by the militants of the left wing movements and parties. LarbiSadiki, ‘Bin Ali’s Tunisia: democracy by non-democratic means,’ British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 29.1 (2002): 57–78.
- 35.
‘After 2011 several militants created charitable and religious associations as a prosecution of their engagement into the Movement of the Islamic tendency.’ Interview with the president of the Nabaa al Khir association, Sfax, May 2017.
- 36.
According to the president of Tunisia Charity, ‘the first-hand experience in collaborative civic engagement helped participants establish structural horizontal ties, which in turn ultimately led them to consider founding an association with a specific identity and goals’ (interview with the president of Tunisia charity, Tunis, November 2015)
- 37.
‘After the revolution we could choose whether to keep playing a role in the party or to go for associative activities. However some were participating in both at the same time.’ Interview with Rachid Ali, a historical Nahda militant and president of the Nabaaal Khir association, Sfax, February 2016.
- 38.
Kaled Ammami, secular activist in the associations world, interview with the authors, Tunis, November 15, 2014.
- 39.
Ester Sigillò, ‘Tunisia’s evolving charitable sector and its model of social mobilization,’ Middle East Institute, last modified, September 15, 2016. http://www.mei.edu/content/map/which-civil-society-post-revolutionary-tunisia
- 40.
After the success of radical Salafism, many Nahda leaders complained that the party had abandoned the space of religious studies for politics. Observations from fieldwork.
- 41.
Rikke Hostrup Haugbølle and Francesco Cavatorta, ‘Islamism in Tunisia before and after the Arab Spring,’ Popular Protest in the New Middle East: Islamism and Post-Islamist Politics 147 (2014): 31.
- 42.
Sheikh Mohammed Ali, 2013, interview with the authors.
- 43.
The Ibn Malik School is an important case. Founded by Sheikh Mohammed Ali, it became an important reference point for new sheikhs and Islamic leaders that emerged in 2011 and 2012. International clerics like the famous Ahmed Mazid Shanquity also belonged to the scientific committee of the association. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7bG3GVAv33M. Last viewed on January 12, 2017.
- 44.
Zeitouna director, Tunis, June 24, 2013, interview with the authors.
- 45.
Sami Brahami, Religion and politics. Between the fluttering seculars and the inability of the Islamists (translated from Arabic) (Tunis: Manshurat Karm al-Sharif, 2012), 199.
- 46.
Abu al Mouwahed, AST leader, December 8, 2012, Douar Hisher interview with the authors
- 47.
Kasper Ly Netterstrøm, ‘The Islamists’ Compromise in Tunisia,’ Journal of Democracy 26.4 (2015): 119.
- 48.
Rached Ghannouchi, interview with the authors, Tunis, March 20, 2013.
- 49.
Laura Guazzone, ‘Ennahda Islamists and the test of government in Tunisia,’ The International Spectator 48.4 (2013): 30–50.
- 50.
Such events include hostile demonstrations in front of an art exhibition and theatre, hisba activities in working class neighbourhoods and violent riots against the offense of religious symbols. Rory McCarthy, ‘Protecting the sacred: Tunisia’s Islamists Movement Ennahdha and the challenge of free speech’ British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 42.4 (2015): 447–464.
- 51.
This discussion was important because Article 1 of the constitution of 1956 was at stake. This article stated that Islam was the ‘religion of Tunisians,’ thus maintaining ambiguity on the role of Islamic law as a reference for legislation.
- 52.
AsmaGhribi, ‘Role of Islamic law in constitution provokes debate’ Tunisia live, last modified March 22, 2012, http://www.tunisia-live.net/2012/03/22/role-of-islamic-law-in-tunisian-constitution-provokes-debate/
- 53.
See section “The Islamic Constituency” of this chapter.
- 54.
Two main organisations appeared to officially organise the mobilization: At national level the ‘Tunisian Front of Islamic associations’ and at regional level in Sfax, the most involved association was the so-called Imams association.
- 55.
Kapitalis ‘Des democratestunisiennes:lacharia ne doit pas etreune source de lois’ Kapitalis, last modified October 9, 2011, http://www.kapitalis.com/politique/6253-des-democrates-tunisiennes-lla-charia-ne-doit-pas-etre-une-source-de-loir.html
- 56.
Nahda did not have elected party organs until the 2012 congress.
- 57.
Le Monde ‘Ennahda contrel’ inscription de la chariadans la constitution’ Le Monde, last modified March 26, 2012, http://www.lemonde.fr/tunisie/article/2012/03/26/ennahda-contre-l-inscription-de-la-charia-dans-la-constitution-tunisienne_1675938_1466522.html
- 58.
The last party congresses were held abroad and the decisional organ of the party were never renewed. In particular, the party leadership had suffered on a relative lack of legitimacy because, living in Paris and London, had lost contact with the country. The split between the militants from inside the country and those outside was felt as particularly problematic after 2011 (Rory McCarthy dissertation manuscript).
- 59.
Kherigi, ‘Ennahda separation of the religious and the political,’ 6.
- 60.
Interview with Daimi, Nahda leader, Tunis August 5, 2012.
- 61.
‘Before 2012, the dawa activities were scattered. Each working individually with its own association. DwI wants now unify all the dawa’s activities’ (interview with DwI’s secretary general. Sfax December 2015).
- 62.
The association appeared to emanate from the party retrospectively. The party’s double strategy of dawa/civil society activity and party co-optation of the movement was evident in interviews with both activists and party members ‘DwI is an association too linked to the party (Nahda): it is not able to well manage the activities and therefore does fail in its activities’ (interview with the president of an Islamic charitable association. Sfax December 2015).
- 63.
Habib Ellouze is the party’s strongman in Sfax. In exile between 1981 and 1984, he became the president of the Shura council after Ben Ali’s arrival in power. He spent 15 years in prison but was later released on medical grounds. He spent his time before 2011 under tight administrative control. In 2011, he was elected MP in the Sfax electoral district Sfax, but maintained his style of preacher.
Arrested in 1991, as president of the party, Sadok Chourou spent 16 years in prison, 14 of which were in solitary confinement. After the revolution, Chourou was elected as MP. Much like Ellouze, he is identified inside and outside the party as more of a preacher than a politician.
- 64.
The presence of Habib Ellouze gave legitimacy to the initiative. He is the symbol of the Islamists’ struggle against the regime. Besides, its leverage on the Islamic public in Sfax gave a certain authority to the Nahda attempt to establish its roots in the movement. Sfax is in this period the epicentre of the Islamic/Salafist social movement. In this city, the disparate dawa activities evolved around consensual and charismatic leaders such as Loukil, president of the ‘Koran safeguard association’ and Ridha Jawedi, imam of the big mosque Lakhmi and president at the same time of the association ‘Lakhmi Khayri’ and of the association of imams.
- 65.
‘The aim of the association is the development of modern Islam: it is about adapt the Islamic values to the modern world, because it is possible to live the modern life by respecting what is forbidden or permitted in the religion. There is not contradiction’ KhawlaTriki, Secretary General of DwI Sfax, December 2015.
- 66.
DwI came under the spotlight in the spring of 2013 during the successful Egyptian Sheikh Mohammed Hassan’s series of lectures. The tour was a success, with significant media coverage and the participation of thousands of people attending the event in the al-Menzah theatre in Tunis on April 30 and the Lakhmi Mosque in Sfax on 4 May. ‘Thousands participate to the preacher Mohammed Hassan event at the “Coupole” (translated from Arabic)’ YouTube video, posted by ShemsFm April 30, 2013 https://tunisie14.tn/videos/detail/la-coupole-affiche-complet-pour-la-visite-du-predicateur-mohamed-hassen
- 67.
Alice Fordham ‘Tunisia’s moderates lost patience with Ansar al Sharia’ The National, last modified May 21, 2013, https://www.thenational.ae/world/mena/tunisia-s-moderates-lose-patience-with-ansar-al-sharia-1.655866
- 68.
Fabio Merone, ‘Between social contention and takfirism’ 71–90.
- 69.
Mohammed Brahmi, a Nasserist MP, was assassinated on July 25, 2013, with the same type of action as that of Belaid.
- 70.
Tamarrod is the name that young Egyptian activists gave to the signature collection campaign that led to the huge demonstrations in Egypt against President Morsi. After the Egyptian campaign, a group of left wing activists in Tunisia tried to do the same but failed to unify the anti-Nahda block for a street mobilisation, Reuters, ‘New Tunisian protest to mirror Egypt’eTamarrod campaign’ Reuters, last modified, July 3, 2013 http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/2/8/75627/World/Region/New-Tunisian-protest-movement-to-mirror-Egypts-Tam.aspx
- 71.
BBC news, ‘Tunisia crisis: tens of thousands join protest’ BBC news, last modified, August 7, 2013. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-23597308
- 72.
Monica Marks, ‘Tunisia’s Ennahda: Rethinking Islamism in the context of ISIS and the Egyptian coup,’ Rethinking Political Islam Series (2015).
- 73.
Sharan Grewal, ‘From Islamists to Muslim Democrats: How Living in Secular Democracies Shaped Tunisia’s Ennahda,’ (2017).
- 74.
Islamic charities were accused of opacity and lack of professionalisation.
- 75.
Kapitalis ‘Mosqué Sidi Lakhmi: la prièe du vendredi de nouveau empeché,’ Kapitalis, last modified November 6, 2015, http://kapitalis.com/tunisie/2015/11/06/mosquee-sidi-lakhmi-la-priere-du-vendredi-de-nouveau-empechee/
- 76.
Kherigi ‘Ennahda separation of the religious and the political,’ 10
- 77.
Kherigi ‘Ennahda separation of the religious and the political,’ 12.
- 78.
As a consequence, several party militants left the executive committees of Islamic associations. Abdessalem Khammari, for instance, left the Dar al Khair association once he was elected to the Shura (general counsel of party). Several members of the Shura, in turn, left the party to focus on the activities of their associations and decided to be engaged exclusively in ‘civil society.’ This is the case of Habib Ellouze, president of DwI, and also the case of Jendoubi who left the party to focus on its new association Organisation Tunisienne pour le Developpement Social (OTDS), that heir of Marhama. Interview with the vice president of OTDS. Tunis, December 2016.
- 79.
Merone, Fabio. ‘Enduring class struggle in Tunisia: the fight for identity beyond political Islam.’ British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 42.1 (2015): 74–87.
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Zemni, Sami. “The extraordinary politics of the Tunisian revolution: the process of constitution making.” Mediterranean Politics 20.1 (2015): 1–17.
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Merone, F., Sigillò, E., De Facci, D. (2018). Nahda and Tunisian Islamic Activism. In: Conduit, D., Akbarzadeh, S. (eds) New Opposition in the Middle East. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8821-6_8
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