Abstract
The chapter traces a history of contestation over different ways of constructing a ‘problem’ with Danish universities, each presuming a different ‘solution’. The passing of the 2003 university law was a brief hiatus in this process of contestation, when a political alliance formed around some Danish members of the international epistemic community and the national interest network that was able to assert its version of the future university and make it stick. This chapter analyses a corpus of documents concerning university reform to show how this moment came into being. It traces how the alliance emerged, and how they asserted, gained dominance for, and inscribed in law a roughly agreed discourse about the instrumental, economic purpose of the university and its role in a future global knowledge economy. There were three related policy narratives about Danish universities that came together in the 2003 law, and the chapter investigates the process of contestation over these narratives during three decades. The analysis shows how (1) universities emerged as central institutions in driving the Danish knowledge economy, how (2) universities became embedded in the agenda to reform the Danish state along New Public Management lines, and finally how (3) different ideas of how to manage ‘knowledge organizations’ and ‘knowledge workers’ influenced debates about university leadership. We show in the chapter how a dominant bloc of policy actors, joining diverse political parties, industry interests and industrial unions emerged around the universities in the late 1990s. This bloc made their meanings of the keywords that defined each of the three problems stick, while other images of the university were temporarily sidelined. However, as we show, tensions between the arguments in the three problem definitions were inherent in the law text, and the sidelined arguments resurfaced again as actors engaged in redefining the meaning of the university after the passage of the law.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Later ‘industry’ was replaced by ‘value creation and welfare of Danish society’ as a way of claiming that industry is part of a social whole (Interview with ATV). Note: the 2003 University Law refers to ‘society’ instead of industry, showing that the elision worked.
- 3.
This is a building metaphor, evoking the three wings of barns around a traditional Danish farm house.
- 4.
Proposed reforms to budget and administrative systems (including marketisation and contracting out, which were dropped as too much of a hot potato) were developed by the Social Democratic government which fell in 1982 and largely taken up by Schlüter’s Conservative-Liberal coalition (1982–1992) which launched a ‘modernization programme for the public sector’ in 1983. Nyrup Rasmussen’s Social Democratic government (1993–2001) continued with ‘A New Perspective on the Public Sector in 1993, and the Liberal-Conservative coalition of Fogh Rasmussen (2001–2009) launched ‘Citizens at the Wheel’ in 2002, a ‘Structural Reform’ of local government in 2004, and the ‘Quality Reform’ in 2007.
- 5.
There were 7 statslige fristyrelser in 1992 and 26 by 1996 (Finance Ministry 1996: section 1.2). The Danish use of principal-agent theory is said to come from the UK, but in the UK this is called ‘the Swedish model’, as they went to study Sweden’s centuries-old system of independent agencies, as a result of which Sweden has now begun to reinterpret its agencies in New Public Management terms (Sahlin-Andersson 2000: 12).
- 6.
Parliament is notably not involved in setting performance targets, and there has been a shift of power from Parliament to Ministers and the government (Thorn and Lyndrup 2006: 6).
- 7.
According to an interview with a Humanties professor, the latter argument derived from the oil crisis in the 1970s, which happened soon after the new democratic system was set up and before the universities had worked out how to operate it. Government asked the universities to make cuts and when they refused on principle, they got a reputation for not being able to make difficult decisions or act ‘responsibly’.
- 8.
Lecturer Erik Nilsson from the Danish Technical University was a member of this committee. He co-authored with Bertel Haarder, the Liberal Party Minister of Education (1982–1992) the book ‘Neo-liberalism and its roots’ (Haarder et al. 1982).
- 9.
Although in the view of some liberals and conservatives, the role of universities was not to further a democratic culture in future generations of citizens, public servants and leaders of Danish society, this was not uncontested. The Education Ministry (1997b) argued that democracy has to be constantly nurtured and education should support this process.
- 10.
The Council had nine members, with six senior managers of private companies, consultancies or national research centres, and three from universities.
- 11.
In an interview for this project on 19 November 2007, the senior liberal politician, Bertel Haarder, who as Minister for Education had reformed many other institutions in the education sector in line with ‘new public management’, said that the governance and management model of the 2003 University was inspired by the Danish high schools and not industrial manufacturing.
- 12.
The members of the Danish Research Commission were Leo Bjørnskov (Chair, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Information Technology and Research), Ninna Wurtzen (Chair from 1 November 2000, Governor of Fyn), Lauritz Holm-Nielsen (Vice-chair, World Bank), Torsten Freloft (Managing Director, Sophion Bioscience), Ellen Hauge (Århus University Hospital), Kirsten Hvenegård-Lassen (PhD student, Copenhagen University), Arne Jensen (Managing Director, Danish Institute of Agricultural Sciences), Aase Lindahl (Chief Librarian, University of Southern Denmark). Lars Mathiassen (Professor, Aalborg University), Hans Siggaard-Jensen (Professor, Copenhagen Business School and Learning Lab Denmark), Birthe Skands (Development Manager, Vikas A/S), Nina Smith (Professor, Aarhus Business School), Henrik Tvarnø (Rector, University of Southern Denmark, from July 2001 Secretary General, The Danish Parliament).
- 13.
In addition, we have noticed that several statements in Dansk Industri reports reflect hearsay and surmise, rather than research. For example, ‘Institute boards are often talked about as awful leaders’ (Dansk Industri 2000: 18). It then surmised that if department and study leaders are chosen by colleagues they must have weak legitimacy and too many unpopular decisions will never get taken because ‘who wants to make uncomfortable decisions about colleagues research and teaching when after 4 years you’ll be an equal colleague again’ (Dansk Industri 2000: 19).
- 14.
This law also reformed education programmes, and introduced the Bologna degree and modular structures to Denmark, but this is not mentioned at all in the Memorandum’s introduction and only explained in a later section.
- 15.
Danisco, Arla, Novo Nordisk, Grundfos, Topsøe, Novozymes, Mærsk (Rasmussen 2004: 9).
- 16.
This maybe reflects an argument from Dansk Industri that ‘the law needs to give leaders explicit competences to enter into agreements with employees about the tasks they will do for the institute or faculty in a set period of time’ (Dansk Industri 2000: 19).
- 17.
Note: The list contains the documents that have been assembled and used in the analysis for this chapter. The documents were produced by government, political parties, lobby organisations, professional associations, unions, and academics during debates over reforms to universities and the public sector. The corpus includes newspaper articles written by politicians and academics active in the issue network, but we have not made a completely comprehensive search of all articles concerning universities in the national newspapers.
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Wright, S., Ørberg, J.W. (2019). Contested Narratives of University Reform. In: Enacting the University: Danish University Reform in an Ethnographic Perspective. Higher Education Dynamics, vol 53. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1921-4_4
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