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Being a Woman in China Today: A Demography of Gender

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Analysing China's Population

Part of the book series: INED Population Studies ((INPS,volume 3))

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Abstract

In China as in many other countries, inequalities remain between women and men in areas as varied as access to health care, education, and employment, wages, political representation, representation of assets and, in private life, decision-making within the couple and the family and sharing of domestic tasks. The aim of this chapter is to draw up a socio-demographic inventory of the situation of Chinese women in the early twenty-first century context of demographic, economic and social transition, and to draw attention to the paradoxical effects of these transitions, whilst taking into account the diverse realities that women are experiencing. The chapter is based mainly on the partial results of three surveys on the social status of women carried out jointly by the All China Women’s Federation and the National Bureau of Statistics in 1990, 2000 and 2010. These surveys paint a wide-ranging picture of the social realities experienced by Chinese women over the last two decades. The chapter concludes that in many respects, Chinese women do not have the same opportunities for social achievement as men and remain largely invested in roles that have a lesser social value than those of men. Different roles and spheres of influence, still clearly identified, continue to be attributed to men and women.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See for instance Chap. 5 in this book.

  2. 2.

    This chapter is the partial reproduction of an article published in the Academic Journal China Perspectives in late 2012 (Attané 2012).

  3. 3.

    These surveys in the form of questionnaires were each given to representative samples of tens of thousands of women and men aged 18–64 from different provinces and communities (urban, rural, population with experience of migration, Han/ethnic minorities, etc.). The quantitative data obtained was supplemented by information taken from in-depth interviews and discussion groups. For more details on the samples and methodology of these surveys, see ACWF (2000) and ACWF (2010). With no access to raw data, the results presented here were taken from the Executive reports.

  4. 4.

    Excerpt from Chap. 48 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, 1982.

  5. 5.

    “The emancipation and empowerment of women and improvements in their political, social, economic and health status is an end in itself”; “The fundamental rights of women and girls are inalienable and indivisible from the universal rights of Man” (Excerpts from the Program of Action of the 4th World Conference on Women held in Beijing, 4–15 Sept 1995).

  6. 6.

    The member-states of the United Nations agreed on eight essential goals to be reached by 2015. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are the following: to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; to achieve universal primary education; to promote gender equality and empower women; to reduce infant mortality; to improve maternal health; to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; to ensure environmental sustainability; to develop a global partnership for development.

  7. 7.

    These three programmes of action for women’s development covered, respectively, the three following periods: 1995–2000, 2001–2010 and 2011–2020. See for instance Program for the Development of Chinese Women 2001–2010. Available at . Accessed 10 Nov 2013.

  8. 8.

    Gender Equality and Women’s Development in China, available on China.org.cn, China Publishes Gender Equality White Paper. Available at www.china.org.cn/english/2005/Aug/139404.htm. Accessed 25 Sept 2012.

  9. 9.

    Census data demonstrates positive changes in China over the past decade. Available at http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90001/90776/90882/7366454.html. Accessed 25 Sept 2012.

  10. 10.

    All the causes have not been given here. In total, all the causes combined exceed 100 % because several answers could be given.

  11. 11.

    The maternal mortality rate measures the number of mothers who die in pregnancy, or during or after childbirth, per 100,000 live births.

  12. 12.

    Since the mid-2000s, the Chinese Ministry of Health has set up a benefits system for pregnant women in rural areas. The benefit of 500 yuans (around 50 €) is intended to meet the cost of a hospital birth. It is one of the measures introduced to combat infant and maternal mortality under the MDGs (see above). See: China lowers maternal death through subsidizing hospital delivery. 9 Sept 2011. Available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-09/09/c_131129666.htm. Accessed 13 Sept 2012.

  13. 13.

    Zhongguo xianru chao di shengyulü xianjing (China falls into the trap of the lowest-low fertility). Nanfang zhoumou, 24 May 2011. Available at . Accessed 25 Sept 2012.

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Correspondence to Isabelle Attané .

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Conclusion

Conclusion

Chinese women do not, as famously formulated by Mao, hold up “half the sky”. Their rights and interests are nevertheless increasingly protected by law, and the fight for gender equality regularly brings new victories. However, the recent social changes are extremely complex. The highly gendered roles that still exist within the couple in China are part of a continuum of inequality between the sexes that continues throughout life. From this point of view, demographic trends, which are closely dependent on the prevailing family and social norms, shed special light on the situation of Chinese women. While Chinese girls are studying longer at school — almost as long as boys among the younger generations — the persistence of deeply entrenched gendered roles in the workplace and family life continues to limit their autonomy and contributes to the social reproduction of gender inequality. This is particularly obvious in the early stages of life, as sons are still preferred over daughters in many families, as demonstrated by Li, Jiang and Feldman’s chapter in this book.

The disengagement of the state in key areas such as employment, social security, education, and health leaves families to fend for themselves and exacerbates socioeconomic inequalities. The population, more vulnerable as a whole, is obliged to develop new strategies for meeting its own needs and getting the best out of the transformations that are taking place. At the same time, while Chinese legislation remains among the most advanced in the developing world with regard to promoting gender equality, and while there are many initiatives in favour of women, society only gives them relative autonomy, limited in particular by their lesser access to resources (notably educational, financial, and inherited assets) in comparison to men.

In many respects, Chinese women do not have the same opportunities for social achievement as men and remain largely invested in roles that have a lesser social value than those of men. The roles and spheres of influence attributed to men and women thus remain clearly differentiated. But China is not really a textbook case. Indeed, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, the question of women and equality between the sexes remains a priority on the international political agenda, and with good reason. Rare are the countries (does one even exist?) that offer conditions of perfect equality between women and men in areas as varied as access to health care, education, and employment, wages, political representation, representation of assets or, in private life, family decision-making and the division of domestic tasks.

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Attané, I. (2014). Being a Woman in China Today: A Demography of Gender. In: Attané, I., Gu, B. (eds) Analysing China's Population. INED Population Studies, vol 3. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8987-5_6

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