Abstract
For several generations now there has existed an overarching interpretation of modern history conditioning and shaping the views held by nearly all educated people on the issue of socialism and the market economy. This interpretation goes roughly as follows: once there was a “class”—“the” bourgeoisie—that came into being with the colossal economic and social changes of early modern history, and strove for recognition and domination. Liberalism, which admittedly helped to achieve a limited degree of human liberation, was the ideological expression of the bourgeoisie’s self-interested struggle.1 Meanwhile, however, another, much larger class came into being, “the” working class, victims of the triumphant bourgeoisie. This class strove in its turn for recognition and domination, and, accordingly, developed its own ideology, socialism, which aimed, through revolution, at the transition to a higher, broader level of human liberation. The natural and inevitable conflict of interests of these two classes— basically, of the exploiters and the exploited—fills modern history, and has led in the end, in the welfare state of our own time, to a kind of accommodation and compromise. With this historical paradigm I think we are all quite familiar.
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References
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Alejandro A. Chaufen, Christians for Freedom: Late Scholastic Economics (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1986).
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Kurt Koszyk and Karl H. Pruys, Wörterbuch zur Publizistik (Munich-Pullach/Berlin: Verlag Dokumentation, 1970), pp. 223–25.
According to the report of the Austro-Hungarian Crown Prince Rudolf; Brigette Hamann, Rudolf: Kronprinz und Rebell (Munich/Zurich: Piper, 1978), p. 333.
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See, e.g., Konstanze Wegner, Theodor Barth und die Freisinnige Vereinigung. Studien zur Geschichte des Linksliberalismus im wilhelminischen Deutschland (1893–1910) (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1968), p. 138.
Richter, Im alten Reichstag, vol. 2, pp. 63 and 178. “This occurred,” according to Richter, “with the permission of the Minister of the Interior.” In Britain, the Chartists had earlier used similar strong-arm methods against meetings of the anti-corn law movement; see Wendy Hinde, Richard Cobden. A Victorian Outside (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1987), p. 65.
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Richter, Politisches ABC-Buch, p. 306. Bismarck’s hatred of Richter and the Left Liberals on account of their economic liberalism was intense, e.g., his reference to “the Progressive Party and clique of Manchester politicians, the representative of the pitiless money-bags, have always been unfair to poor, they have always worked to the limit of their abilities, to prevent the state from helping them. Laissez-faire, the greatest possible self-government, no restraints, opportunity for the small business to be absorbed by Big Capital, for exploitation of the ignorant and inexperienced by the clever and crafty. The State is supposed to act only as police, especially for the exploiters.” Willy Andreas and K. F. Reinking, Bismarcks Gespräche: Von der Reichsgründung bis zur Entlassung (Bremen: Carl Schünemann, 1965), p. 339.
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Raico, R. (1990). Eugen Richter and Late German Manchester Liberalism: A Reevaluation. In: Rothbard, M.N., Block, W. (eds) The Review of Austrian Economics. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-3454-7_1
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