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Group Dynamics of Children in Street Situations

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Street Children and Homeless Youth

Abstract

This chapter is divided by street children’s and homeless youth’s interactions with the public into their intra group behavior and their relationships outside of their own subculture. This means from their intimate same sex dyads, to their behavior when they are only among themselves, to their role in their local culture given ihems historical record, and finally to their role in the global youth culture.

Children in street situations often begin with an affectionate same sex relationship with one other child. Through these dyads the children are incorporated into the group. Amongst themselves they have a complex set of rules of reciprocity.

Group behavior of street children and homeless youth in street situations differs by gender. Females are often portrayed as engaging in sex for money while the boys are portrayed as bullies and “johns”. Research suggests that the survival strategies of girls are incompatible with professional prostitution and that boys have reason to avoid abusing them.

While children in street situations use a variety of drugs, from inhalants to heroin, a good part of their use is more than for getting high, they also use them for belonging to the group.

Street children and homeless youth look and act differently than gang members. Groups of street children and homeless youth are not organized around a common ethnicity, crime often defines the gang, but crime is usually opportunistic among groups of street children and homeless youth. Gangs are delinquent and deviant, street children are deviant and not very delinquent.

Societal reactions to street children and homeless youth are based on a moral view of childhood and child rearing practices. What behaviors the public allows and which are considered inappropriate, molds the children’s public persona, and self concept. Societal reaction to life for both homeless youth and street children fluctuates between extreme violence; indifference and assistance. In the most extreme cases, torture and killings of street children have been perpetrated. The biggest fears of children in street situations are worldwide are the police.

Across cultures street children and homeless youth are among the most marginalized. The public associates them with violence and react pejoratively. Because of the numbers of street children in some societies is large they can manipulate public opinion, which they often (and perhaps surprisingly) do by behaving in a way that encourages society to view them pejoratively. This gives them two advantages; it makes them stronger as a sub culture, it focuses the fear society has of them, inadvertently becoming freer from the image of a protected domiciled childhood.

Because of the proportional scarcity of homeless youth, and being more abused and being from a culture with few roles for homeless youth they occupy they have little ability to roam and earn money. They rely more on the state.

Groups of street children are found in differing degrees in different cultures, making it hard to understand the relationship between the state and street children. A state’s commitment to universal equal health care correlates with healthier children and families, and less street children.

The current internationalization of the problem of street children and homeless led to the passage of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), and later the “Children’s Movement”.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Not all authors found a similar hierarchy. Davies (2008) for example saw no formal hierarchy among the street children in a small town in North Western Kenya.

  2. 2.

    A chum is a good friend, pal, or buddy. The term comes from British student slang for a dormitory roommate (chamber fellow). Sullivan (1953) referred to chumships as a unique developmental period of pre-adolescence when boys played with boys and experienced their first love outside of the home. He felt it was a necessary developmental stage needed to later have a healthy heterosexual love relationship.

  3. 3.

    The “bosses” who exploit the little beggars and their parents are also in a position to bribe the police.

  4. 4.

    It should be noted that not all authors think that street children are a subculture. Heinonen (2011) points out that in Ethiopia groupings of street children had cultural values quite in line with what is socially acceptable: “They judged and valued each other’s qualities or defects with the same conventions and social expectations used by mainstream society” (p. 111).

  5. 5.

    While they are usually found in the capital city, they are also in district capitals and even small towns. See Davies (2008) for the street children of Mukutano, Kenya.

  6. 6.

    Raffaelli (2000) suggested that while this hypothesis is correct with regard to family, many girls do better than boys on the streets.

  7. 7.

    R. Lucchini (1993, p. 80) also refers to the notion of the near-group, developed by Yablonsky (1979), when saying that the organization of the near-group is adapted to members who come and go rather than really belong to the group. This is especially the case for more peripherical members of the near-group.

  8. 8.

    It is interesting to note that Heinonen (2011) found that a couple of the group members came from less than abject poverty. They were the only ones to use their own names. They said they did this to get back at their family who had abused them. The difference was between abuse and poverty as reasons for entering the gang.

  9. 9.

    In fact, Zeneidi-Henry (2002) showed that the shelters for the “sans-abri” (“without dwelling”) are administered in a way that was felt as a control over one’s body and freedom.

  10. 10.

    It should be said that it was very difficult to talk to street girls about their sexual history (Kovats-Bernat 2006).

  11. 11.

    In spite of these differences, there are no significant differences when it comes to the mental health profile of first-time homeless and long-term homeless.

  12. 12.

    Diversi et al. (1999) express the more psychological position in their study of Brazilian street children. They stress that Brazilian street children use crack cocaine as a practical means of reducing hunger and fear.

  13. 13.

    It also points out the difficulty of getting accurate numbers. Aptekar, in a personal conversation, remembers being at a conference where researchers were estimating thousands of street children, yet very few were visible to him, even though he had been working in the city for years.

  14. 14.

    Really this work is based on the work of the French historian Philippe Ariès (1960) whose breathtaking assertion was that childhood was a creation of the Renaissance. Before that historical period, people would not look at childhood as its own developmental category. In contrast, Archard (2004) claimed that previous societies did not lack a concept of childhood, only that it was different than what we have today.

  15. 15.

    See Balagopalan (2002) for an in-depth view of a Calcuttan street child’s reaction to a vocational education program that shows how culture, including those in developing countries which have been affected by colonialism, post-colonialism and modernism, confirm childhood and adolescence as social constructs that prevail upon the biological realities of age.

  16. 16.

    See Aptekar 1988; Ennew 1994; Lucchini 1993; and Parazelli 2002.

  17. 17.

    A certain domination is playing out in the form of a hidden “habitus” (Bourdieu), or typical way of perceiving and defining reality. Therefore the social relationships between actors within the project are the ones that the planning process, and the dominant forces in it, produced (Mosse 2001).

  18. 18.

    What is worse, is that children in street situations are now being hired by perpetrators of other violence such as police or paramilitary groups such as drug traffickers to do their work for them (Hecht 1998).

  19. 19.

    Twenty percent of the public supported the police based on being fed up with dirty aggressive street children (Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1998).

  20. 20.

    A similar situation, the authors’ point out, exists in the poor urban areas of the USA. Here too, there is fear of an eruption of violence in a public space and of police brutality.

  21. 21.

    In the depression of the 1930s, some two million Americans were homeless (Smollar 1999).

  22. 22.

    A constant theme of Indian authorities is that they have limited control over the use of space by the poor on the streets, and that street children without family contacts are a major social concern (Huchzermeyer and Karam 2006).

  23. 23.

    Children in street situations from Northern Somalia stand out because they remained relatively mentally healthy in spite of being considered to be of the highest mental health risk (Rousseau et al. 1998). According to the authors it was the lack of pull from the international marketplace. Thus these children still grew up in age-related peer groups and participated in the intergenerational social structure, whereas elders were leaders whom youth respected and learned from.

  24. 24.

    This is essentially an example of the filtration theory of cultural assimilation.

  25. 25.

    Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman (1998) report 5,000 street children were killed in Brazil during the 3 year period of 1988–1990. For a world view of how street children are treated by their communities see Boyden and Holden (1991).

  26. 26.

    See Pupavac (2006) who questions if societies are expected to take different development paths, and the effects of this on considering a global child development path.

  27. 27.

    This is Freud’s psychoanalytical hypothesis of the evil nature of man where primal libidinal drives (instinctive energies), and the pleasure principle are incompatible with collective life, and therefore need to be curbed. In this perspective, successful development into adulthood derives from proper management of this repression. Street and homeless youngsters probably trigger the unconscious fear of an evil that would reside within children, and parents increasingly identify the world outside the home as one from which their children, must be shielded and in relation to which they must devise strategies to reduce risk. The children are perceived as being vulnerable to physical harm such as traffic accidents and strangers as a source of attack or abduction.

  28. 28.

    As we move to Chapter 5, which discusses programs, we will see how taking into account culture is necessary in helping them.

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Aptekar, L., Stoecklin, D. (2014). Group Dynamics of Children in Street Situations. In: Street Children and Homeless Youth. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7356-1_3

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