Abstract
This chapter defines networks and subsystems and stresses the relevancy to address these in policy research. It provides us with a theory-based approach to subsystems in foreign policy and how these are interlinked through gateways at various decision levels. It assumes that the influence that actors of different subsystems can attain depends on their integration into the other subsystems and on how independent they can make decisions within the subsystem they belong to. It shows empirically which actors attain gateway positions. Forest sector-relevant processes and policy factors, triggering decisions upon framing elements and affecting the forest sector policy, are described. It is shown that in Austria there prevails only a temporary forest sector network, while viable forest sector subsystems are found in Finland and Germany and a diminishing one in Sweden. Empirical findings clearly show the importance of institutionalised structures, also at subsystems of superior levels, for the integration of a forest sector subsystem and, hence, for out-reaching forest-related influence via gateways to superior levels. They also show that where such structures do not exist and forestry is subsumed under a cross-cutting policy, forestry actors face hard times.
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Notes
- 1.
That is, embassies (and their staff) are often brokers. They hold an influential gateway-actor position in a gateway to the influential recipient country’s actors. Therefore, they can term as brokers and bridge between donor actors having no excess to the recipient country’s actor(s).
- 2.
With respect to the intervention level, only the part on reformulation applies.
- 3.
Network analysis, for instance, provides, as a result of mapping actors and their interrelations, with the gateway actors to other subsystems.
- 4.
Comparable to what is called a subsystem or institutionalised network in this chapter
- 5.
That is, donors’ over recipients’ governments; recipients’ governments or elites over structures of traditional gift economy; OECD DAC’s sectors, as a statistical instrument of structural force; this research has shown limited evidence for recipients’ governments’ influence on the political definition of ‘sectors’ (i.e. naming) – though attempts to channel donors’ support to own sectors, defined by the recipient, were made in Tanzania.
- 6.
In Ekholm’s and Friedman’s ‘global systems approach’ (pp. 37ff in Kreff 2003), multinational companies or international organisations are perceived to constitute rather effects of structural changes than acting actors, which is not shared in this research, because too much determinism is placed on a ‘mechanical global system’ over an ‘actor-oriented decision-making’ system in their concepts.
Similarly, Hannerz’s ‘world system’ (1991, p. 118, cit. in: Kreff 2003), consisting of various, overlapping (…) (cultural) networks, is helpful, but in contrary to his approach of centres (global cities), building networks, relatively independent from national or institutional entities, this chapter stresses the need to rely on actors for analysing policy and other actions.
Applying above approaches, it can be argued that to understand ‘global changes’, it is not necessary to distinguish between subsystems of nation states (and actors as social entities) but rather between, for instance, ‘centres of the world’ and their elites on one side and ‘peripheries’ in and across various countries on the other side, which would constitute subsystems within such systems. Though this may indeed sometimes be applicable (i.e. high external dependence of recipient countries’ financial budgets may indeed raise the question, whether such a ‘recipient countries’ subsystem’ at all exists), in this chapter, it is assumed that, at least initially and formally, one has to consider nation states as sovereign ‘hosts’ of national policy formulation and decision-making and bilateral negotiations as ‘arenas of influence’, as negotiation processes, where governments establish consensus (in a realist’s foreign policy view).
Therefore, the decision-making levels, bureaucratic hierarchies and possible stakeholder incorporation processes (institutionalism’s view), in both donor and recipient countries, play a central role. However, the joint cooperation networks/subsystems (at various policy levels) may dominate over the recipients’ national policy subsystem and its policy formulation in certain cases. This can happen to the extent that the viability of a sovereign recipients’ policy subsystem, hence its relevancy or existence, may have to be questioned and its policy rather seen as a result of informal dominancy of external subsystems’/actors’ influence in the joint, bilateral/multilateral cooperation policy subsystem. In other words, the (informal) competences for the policy formulation are then held by the strong actors of the bilateral policy subsystems (donor’s and recipient’s governments), rather than by the actors of the recipient country’s policy subsystem at large. Yet, it is the recipient’s government that has the (formal) possibility to agree or disagree to a certain policy or intervention (though existing interdependencies). But the elites’ ‘affinity’ to the external donors will, in such cases, be higher than towards the own countries’ actors and people (c.p. Hydén 1980, 1983; cit. in van Ufford, 1997, p. 130).
- 7.
After Korten and Alfonso (1980), cit. in van Ufford (1997, p. 126).
- 8.
However, such gateways can exist between hierarchical subsystems or between parallel ones.
- 9.
Therefore, the FDP subsystem is analysed by network analysis, as seen from the above chapters.
- 10.
According to Long (1997, p. 222), ‘In rural development such gateways appear especially when the local government or other external organizations intervene, in order to implement a certain development policy or to exert political-administrative control over rural populations and their resources’ (own translation).
- 11.
Such are equivalent to subsystems or ‘arenas of influence’ in this research.
- 12.
That is, retention of the role of Austrian NGO/NPO in the Austrian development policy and their interrelations to respective authorities; the role of consultancies in Finnish development policy; the role of German agencies, though 2011 integrations into the Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit, GIZ; the role of the Swedish International Development Cooperation, though recent restructuring.
- 13.
However, the MMM can also administer financial means provided by the Formin (expert interviews: actors nr. 34, 37).
- 14.
In example, in Tanzania, the first forest program got started, after a visit of the Finnish President.
- 15.
Still many places remind us of Olof Palme: that is, the Olof Palme Agroforestry Centre in Kitale, Kenya (Vi-SCC project).
- 16.
Already 1880/1881 the Austrian Emperor Franz-Josef mediated an independence process and agreed on the independence of the Miskito coast (c.p. Die Presse 2007: ‘Die Helden von der Dschungel-Universität’ print version 27.03.2007).
- 17.
Usually, the Council of Ministers and the parliament have to be informed on the general development cooperation policy of a donor country. Real interventions are therefore rather rare (c.p. p. 884ff in Höll 2006). Usually, there exists a relatively ‘closed’ parliamentary committee dealing with development policy (c.p. also Marjanovic´ 2009).
- 18.
A country programme is a programme of a donor, covering all ongoing and envisaged development cooperation with a certain recipient (or partner) country.
- 19.
A country desk is an official unit of the donor agency or ministry, responsible for all development cooperation with a certain recipient (or partner) country.
- 20.
It also builds the basis for the Sida initiated and financed Environment for Development (EfD) Initiative. The Environmental Economics Unit (EEU) at the University of Gothenburg is the Swedish node in the EfD network. The Environmental Economics Unit is the initiator of the EfD. The EEU manages the initiative and supports the EfD centres through the EfD Secretariat (another example for a process at this level).
- 21.
Recently, that is, forestry and natural resource tenure advisor/team for agriculture forestry and food security and forestry advisor/policy department for economic opportunities.
- 22.
Since 2006, the government consists of the Moderate Party, Central Party, Liberal Peoples’ Party and Christian Democrats’ Party. Before, the Social Democrats were 12 years in power.
- 23.
DDC = Department for Development Cooperation, BmaA: Mr. Weingärtner, environmental advisor.
- 24.
This is apparently not only limited to the forest sector, but here the forest sector is considered. There are other highly competitive cooperation sectors, with a strong relation to economic interests, like, for instance, the energy sector.
- 25.
Which will be from 2010/2011 under the MfFA (expert interviews: actor nr. 210).
- 26.
Sida staff at embassies being under the MfFA from 2010/2011; Finland’s embassies’ experts are under Formin.
- 27.
See also Chap. 6, with regard to donor strategies, and Annexes 2 and 3 for examples of interest spirals in forest cooperation cases.
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Aurenhammer, P.K. (2013). Subsystems of the Bilateral Foreign Policy System and Their Actors’ Influence on Programme Formulation and Implementation. In: Development Cooperation Policy in Forestry from an Analytical Perspective. World Forests, vol 13. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4957-3_4
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