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A Neurosociological Model of Weberian, Instrumental Rationality: Its Cognitive, Conative, and Neurobiological Foundations

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Handbook of Neurosociology

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Abstract

Max Weber’s classical conceptualization of instrumental rationality (formal, practical, scientifically theoretical) is interpreted by its associated social relations and its neurocognitive infrastructure. Such rationality requires calculation, planning, and their interaction. Calculation is linked to a larger cognitive structure, left-hemisphere-dependent logical–analytic cognition, which includes propositional logic, deductive reasoning, linear and numeral thinking, linear time consciousness, and the quantitative assessment of value. Planning is linked to the central-executive functioning of the frontal lobes and associated brain structures. The language-based integration of calculation and planning is interpreted on both sociological and neurobiological levels, the result being a neurosociological level of analysis of instrumental rationality.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Rather than use a vocabulary of causality, Weber invoked Goethe’s notion of “elective affinity” to explain the perceived relationship between the this-worldly asceticism and precepts of Calvinist Protestantism, and the ethos, business practices, and behaviors associated with and propitious to the emergence of modern industrial capitalism in nineteenth century Germany. “Elective affinity” refers to an hypothesized non-deterministic and synergistic interaction between two independent yet convergent historical processes. Weber elaborated on the key facets of this beneficent and mutually reinforcing dynamic interaction, through which, for Calvinists, hard work and the resultant capital accumulation represented evidence of one’s salvation and membership in the Elect. Delacroix and Nielsen (2001) note the lack of empirical evidence for Weber’s “common interpretation” that Protestantism’s presence positively correlated with a country’s early development of industrial capitalism.

  2. 2.

    Weber (1921) saw the individual actor as the fundamental “atom” in all social and civilizational processes. Social collective entities such as states, businesses, neighborhoods, and families are not themselves capable of social action but exist simple as a result of the actions of individual persons.

  3. 3.

    The law of noncontradiction states: It cannot be the case that something is both the case and not the case (Fogelin 2003, Chap. 1). To abandon this principle is to abandon reason itself, which is the very feature that sets human beings apart from all other animals. It is irrational to accept a proposition that is inconsistent within itself or with other propositions in an axiomatic system. Yet this assertion need not be followed at all cost. As a well-known example, it was not irrational for Gottlob Frege to accept the axioms of naïve set theory, even though they harbor Russell’s paradox. For informal purposes, naïve set theory is easier to use than later, more complex formulations devised to avoid this paradox. Such local irrationality can be justified if it facilitates a computationally efficient or globally rational strategy, and can avoid “cognitive paralysis” of the kind that would result from taking Descartes’ skeptical model of universal doubt serious (Cherniak 1986: 100–4). Descartes’ rationalism was opposed to sense-based empiricism, as he rather advocated a rationalism in which truths could be discovered about the world by means of pure intellect, independent of the senses.

  4. 4.

    Neuroscientific evidence shows that right ventromedial prefrontal (VMPFC) damage impairs reasoning, decision-making, emotion, and feeling (Damasio 1994). This right-frontal area helps put the mind on a “logical track.” The VMPFC is involved in emotional processes that involve moral judgments (Koenigs et al. 2007). It also integrates emotional feelings concerning costs and benefits, whether one’s choices involve economic goods or “noneconomic” social preferences such as showing concern for the welfare of those worse off, acting altruistically and with fairness, a desire for social equality, and kindness, or engaging in reciprocally cooperative behavior (see Fehr 2009: 216–7). Thus, the right side of the prefrontal cortex can be expected to become involved in the (substantive) rationality of decision-making and action where values, beliefs, and ethical standards are involved.

  5. 5.

    A circuit involving dorsolateral frontal cortex, caudate nucleus, and thalamus has been linked to working memory- and rule-based learning (Cummings 1993). Both the basal ganglia, a “reptilian” structure, and the cerebellum play a critical role in high-level cognition activities, including timekeeping with respect to sequences of bodily movements (Rao et al. 1997).

  6. 6.

    In addition to its internal “number line,” a left angular gyrus area, in conjunction with other left-hemisphere perisylvian areas, supports the manipulation of numbers in verbal form. Also, a bilateral posterior superior parietal system supports attentional orientation of the mental number line, just like any other spatial dimension.

  7. 7.

    It was also found that the positive (but not the negative) experiences of equality matching, communal sharing, and authority ranking, as hypothesized, were predictive, on the basis of lexical-level indicators of immediate–participatory, patterned–cyclical, and episodic–futural kinds of time consciousness, respectively (TenHouten 2005: 58, Ch. 3). Patterned–cyclical time consciousness was conceptualized as the opposite of ordinary–linear time, as it (1) is dualistic; (2) fuses past, present, and, to a lesser extent, future; (3) is irregular, discontinuous, and heterogeneous; (4) is event-oriented; (5) is synchronic in the ordering of events, cyclical, patterned, and oscillatory; (6) is qualitative (now the anchor point); and (7) emphasizes the experience of long duration.

  8. 8.

    British philosopher Jeremy Bentham (1776, 1825) had a broader definition of utility, as he included a bipolar, hedonic dimension of pleasure and pain as the basis for decision. Cabanac (1992) is one of a few who still holds to this definition of utility.

  9. 9.

    We have seen that beliefs are important to rationality, and they are also important to personhood, which is in turn central to choosing and pursuing our ends and goals. The human brain, Harris et al. (2008: 146) note, “is a prolific generator of beliefs. Indeed, personhood is largely the result of the capacity of a brain to evaluate new statements of propositional truth in light of other that it already accepts.” Moreover, by evaluating truth, falsity, uncertainty, logical necessity, and contradiction, it becomes possible to cobble together coherent views and models of the world and one’s place in the world as a social being.

  10. 10.

    Rabbitt’s (1997: 2) statement on this matter merits citation:

    Contemporary catalogues of the functions of the hypothetical “central executive” are strikingly similar to the formal criteria for commission of mortal sin given by Roman Catholic theologians…. The minimal functional processes involved in the commission of a mortal sin are awareness of the self as the intending perpetrator of the act; recognition of unpleasant implications of the act for others by possession of a theory of mind; recognition of its moral repulsiveness by possession of a theory of the mind of God; an ability simultaneously to represent alternative acts and their possible outcomes in working memory in order to efficiently to choose between them; conscious formulation of a well-articulated plan to perform the act successfully; self-initiative and execution of sequences of appropriate actions to consummate this plan during which recognition of personal culpability is maintained by continuous monitoring; recognition of attainment of the vile goal state as an intention to use what has been learned in its pursuit to perform it again if opportunity occurs.

  11. 11.

    Executive functioning, as an essential component of instrumental rationality, is not universal in human society but is rather a concomitant of modern, industrial society. For tribal-living Australian Aborigines, decision-making typically does not involve choosing between multiple courses of action but rather focuses on a single action, which is taken if and only if a full, and congenial, consensus is reached (see TenHouten 2005: 55–6).

  12. 12.

    It is not measure of intelligence, the “intelligence quotient” (IQ), but personhood that depends on the frontal lobes. That frontal-lobe-damaged patients behave in inappropriate and bizarre ways in testing situations, which contribute to their poor test performances, which in turn, unfortunately, contribute to the mistaken view that IQ centrally depends on the frontal lobes. It is not that the patients cannot solve problems in which analytic reasoning is required, but they are not seriously motivated to do so.

  13. 13.

    This theory has been subjected to some rather harsh, even extreme, criticism, especially by Efron (1990) and Corballis (1991). I (1992) have presented an extensive critique of their and others’ criticisms of this theory, which was developed out of several long conversations with neurosurgeon and theorist Joe Bogen.

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Correspondence to Warren D. TenHouten .

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TenHouten, W.D. (2013). A Neurosociological Model of Weberian, Instrumental Rationality: Its Cognitive, Conative, and Neurobiological Foundations. In: Franks, D.D., Turner, J.H. (eds) Handbook of Neurosociology. Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4473-8_15

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