Abstract
This chapter examines three versions of the origin story of the Science Media Centre in the context of the origin story of the Public Understanding of Science field in the UK. In doing so, it suggests that the SMC’s account of its foundation and practice contain inherent contradictions which may lead to the undermining of its mission to restore public trust in science. The chapter further suggests that some of the SMC’s exemplary case studies rely on the convergence of a number of particularly media-oriented scientific communities or projects including embryologists and scientists working on the human genome project. It suggests that the “unashamedly pro-science” line of the Science Media Centre risks alienating public trust in both science and the media.
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Notes
- 1.
Indeed Walter Bodmer, although taking issue with some of the critiques cited in this chapter, has recently reflected on a quarter century of Public Understanding of Science work in the UK (Bodmer 2010).
- 2.
This chapter emerges from research conducted between 2004 and 2010, at the ESRC Centre for Economic and Social Aspects of Genomics (Cesagen) on media representations of genomics, particularly at the intersection of genomics and assisted reproductive technologies. The research began with the assembly of an archive of UK press news coverage of genetic science in 2004. This time period including a number of news events relating to embryo research to which the SMC co-ordinated media responses. This initial intensive sampling has been supplemented by purposive sampling of subsequent key news events in the area, including those associated with the Hwang scandal and those related to the reform of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act (Haran 2007; Haran and Kitzinger 2009).
- 3.
The Third Report is sometimes known briefly as “Science and Society”, but for clarity in this chapter I will refer to is as The Third Report.
- 4.
The Committee for the Public Understanding of Science, formed on the recommendation of the Bodmer Report, had representation from each of the three bodies of the Royal Society, the BA (now known as the British Science Association), and the Royal Institution, thanks in part to the then President of the Royal Society, George Porter who was also – uniquely – President of the BA and Director of the RI. (See Bodmer 2010 for one account of the formation of COPUS).
- 5.
Bodmer (2010) points out that the funding of PUS research through the UK Research Councils was actually one of the recommendations of his 1985 Report.
- 6.
- 7.
Miller uses the acronym BAAS for the British Association for the Advancement of Science, although it was generally known – somewhat confusingly – as the BA. The organisation was relaunched in January 2009 as the British Science Association.
- 8.
Report downloaded from http://www.sciencemediacentre.org/consultation.htm 19/09/05 Now available at http://www.sciencemediacentre.org/pages/publications/last accessed on 30 November 2010.
- 9.
In the January 2007 blog, Fox seems to indicate that the first briefing occurred in January 2006, but her presentation at the Genomics Forum event in March 2009 states that the background briefing on “Chimeras” took place in August 2005, while the background briefing in January 2006 was represented as the SMC’s response “to the media’s requests for a background briefing about the impact of the [Hwang] crisis on cloning research” (http://www.genomicsnetwork.ac.uk/forum/publications/egneventreportsvideospresentations/title,8496,en.html).
- 10.
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Acknowledgments
The support of the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) is gratefully acknowledged. This work is part of the Research Programme of the ESRC Genomics Network at Cesagen (ESRC Centre for Economic and Social Aspects of Genomics).
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Haran, J. (2012). Campaigns and Coalitions: Governance by Media. In: Rödder, S., Franzen, M., Weingart, P. (eds) The Sciences’ Media Connection –Public Communication and its Repercussions. Sociology of the Sciences Yearbook, vol 28. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2085-5_12
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