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Moral and Philosophical Idealism in Late-Edo Confucian Thought: Ōshio Chūsai and the Working Out of His “Great Aspiration”

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Dao Companion to Japanese Confucian Philosophy

Part of the book series: Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy ((DCCP,volume 5))

Abstract

Wang Yangming learning is famous for its principle of the inseparability of knowledge and action. While Yangming himself put his principles into practice in loyal service to his dynasty as a suppressor of rebellions, Japanese history uniquely boasts one follower of Yangming’s teachings (Ōshio Heihachirō 1793–1837) who put his principles into practice through a rebellion against the very government that he had served diligently for many years. Though the rebellion failed rather miserably, it became a great source of inspiration for the impetuous young leaders of the anti-bakufu movement at the end of the Tokugawa period that eventually brought down the Tokugawa government and its feudal social order. This study looks into the actual content of Ōshio’s teachings (which were based on many different Ming dynasty Confucian texts) and examines how they were related both to his years of service as a police official in Osaka and to his eventual desperate decision to raise a rebellion against the Osaka government. The central principles of Ōshio’s teachings—that “the mind itself is principle” and that the body at death returns to the great vacuity (the ultimate eternal source of all being)—are extremely interesting as an East Asian form of idealist philosophy, and their interest is intensified by the fact that they inspired the life and death of one of modern Japan’s great literary figures—Mishima Yukio.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This meaning of ninjō is unusual in Japanese, but Chūsai was a Sinologist steeped in Chinese texts. One meaning of the word given in dictionaries of classical Chinese can be translated as “the standards for judging things agreed upon by conventional society (J. seken)” (世間約定俗成的事理標準) or “the mood and wishes of the multitude” (衆人的情緒, 願望).

  2. 2.

    In 1641, Tōju made a pilgrimage to Ise, where he offered up a poem praising Amaterasu as the embodiment of “Efflorescent filial virtue that continues without cease/Just like the creative work of Fu Xi/I pray in silence to the sages’ teaching of the divine way (shintō 神道)/Which illuminates the temple of the Great Goddess through all six regions of space” (Fukunaga 1974: 1). As the purported creator of the eight trigrams, Fu Xi 伏羲 was the father of the Book of Changes. “Efflorescent” and “illuminates the six regions of space” are allusions to the Chronicles of Japan (Nihon shoki 日本書紀). In the Chronology (Nenpu 年譜) of Tōju’s life, he is quoted as saying “The Great Shrine is [the shrine of] the primal ancestor and progenitor of our country, and every person who lives in Japan must visit it before he dies” (Yamanoi et al. 1974: 297).

  3. 3.

    The Commentary on the Appended Phrases (Xici) of the Book of Changes contains the passage, “Qian yi yi zhi; Kun yi jian neng” 乾以易知,坤以簡能: “Qian (Heaven) presides [over the great beginning] through easiness; Kun (Earth) is capable [of bringing things to completion] through simplicity.” According to the commentator Wang Fuzhi 王夫之 (1619–1692), “easiness” refers to the fact that nothing obstructs the creative power of heaven, and “simplicity” refers to the malleability or receptivity of earth, its absence of resistance that brings heaven’s initiatives to completion (Xici A:1, Honda 1978: B: 261). The character for zhi consists of the graph for “arrow” and the graph for “mouth,” indicating the idea of speaking the essence of things directly, i.e., to inform, to know, to govern, to preside.

  4. 4.

    In Okina Mondō, question 84, Nakae Tōju (1608–1648) had written that the sage from birth is one body with heaven, so that his “original spirit” (genshin 元神) and his “original vital force” (genki 元氣) function naturally together in perfect coherence, brimming with the creative force of life (Yamanoi et al. 1974: 130). Miwa Shissai had taught that the inborn knowledge of the good was nothing other than the “god of heaven” (tenjin 天神). Chūsai did not have to go much further to arrive at his proposition that “the mind itself is heaven” and his identification of heaven with the Sun Goddess.

  5. 5.

    The quotations collected in Senshindō sakki make it clear that those whom Chūsai regarded as representatives of “Wang Yangming learning” in China were men of great integrity who devoted their lives without fear of death to popular welfare or national salvation at times of national crisis, as typified by the scholars of the Donglin Academy 東林書院. Like the Donglin scholars, he condemned the representatives of the so-called left wing of the Yangming school, as typified by Wang Gen 王艮.

  6. 6.

    Chinese-style posthumous names were given to the Japanese emperors and presented to the reigning emperor by Oumi no Mifune 淡海三船 (722–85), a Nara-period literatus and nobleman. It is not impossible that “Jinmu” was chosen for Japan’s “first emperor” because of the identification of these two characters in this Yijing passage with Ken Wen.

  7. 7.

    Chūsai’s “also” means that his own work, like Lü’s, was written in a state of inner torment and self-questioning arising from the self-demanding pursuit of rightness. Lü Kun (a native of Ning Ling in Henan) was not a follower of the Wang Yangming school, but his philosophy was based on Zhang Zai’s philosophy of qi. Chūsai’s Senshindō sakki also contains many quotations from Zhang Zai. On Lü Kun (1536–1618), see Handlin 1983, 1987: 219 and Tsang 1997.

  8. 8.

    The term zōbutsusha is not an orthodox Confucian term, deriving rather from the Daoist works Zhuangzi and Liezi. In Chinese usage, it is more or less a synonym for heaven-and-earth or for the Way of nature, but it obviously carries a greater connotation of agency or personification than the former two concepts.

  9. 9.

    In the Edo period a kan was nominally equal to 1,000 mon of cash, though the actual value was 960 (Kōjien, 4th edition).

  10. 10.

    Descriptions by those questioned in the case indicated that it was a picture of a standing woman with disheveled hair embracing a child in her left arm and holding a sword in her right. Evidently, the interrogators took this to be a portrait of the Virgin Mary, as they took the paper dolls to be figures of the crucified Christ. At any rate, Sano had never even seen the portrait.

  11. 11.

    Tang and Wu are the ancient Chinese sage-kings who overthrew the tyrannical last kings of the Xia and Shang dynasties, respectively, thus carrying out heaven’s punishment and receiving the transfer of the mandate of heaven to found new dynasties. As symbols of armed revolution in a polity (Japan) where dynastic revolution was illegitimate, their status as “sages” had been highly controversial in Edo Confucian thought. See Maruyama Masao’s study in this volume.

  12. 12.

    Historians have generally looked back to the Tenpō period for the social and economic beginnings of the Meiji Restoration. Some, such as Horie Hideichi, have even seen Ōshio’s rebellion itself as the beginning of Japan’s modern transformation (Horie 1954).

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Steben, B.D. (2014). Moral and Philosophical Idealism in Late-Edo Confucian Thought: Ōshio Chūsai and the Working Out of His “Great Aspiration”. In: Huang, Cc., Tucker, J. (eds) Dao Companion to Japanese Confucian Philosophy. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 5. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-2921-8_11

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