Abstract
Every few years a deep division is opened up in Germany between the politically correct view which is publicly represented by almost the entire political and social leadership and a large portion of the population and the view expressed only semi-publicly during discussions around the Stammtisch (informal, regular group gatherings around a table in a pub) by a strong minority or sometimes even the majority of the population. Thus, at the end of August 2010, Thilo Sarrazin expressed views that ran counter to the dominant standards of the “community of democrats” in a book and a few sentences during interviews, and for this reason is to be ejected from it. He was already ousted from the board of the German Central Bank at the beginning of September, and in the months that followed, he was due to be expelled from the SPD.
The deep division between the political class and the Stammtisch discussions could in the long term become dangerous for democracy in Germany, and shake up the existing party system. This rift could be mitigated by openly discussing the political fears and ideas of large parts of the population in the media, associations and political parties without the usual ritual formulae used to express condemnation (“racism”, “xenophobia”, “rabble-rousing”, “fascism”) and their respective misconceptions and erroneous ideas could be demonstrated in an objective manner, instead of recommending to a person such as Thilo Sarrazin that he join the NPD, the right-wing National Democratic Party of Germany, or found a new right-wing radical party in the dangerous and vain hope of thus rendering him politically insignificant. A convincing concept for the integration of Turkish and Arab Muslims and of lower social strata would be the only correct response to Sarrazin’s provocations. The exclusion of outsiders from the established institutions could in the long term be a disastrous course of action.
Aside from the appalling vilification of social and ethnic-religious groups, the book contains numerous important thought-provoking political impulses for a change of course in relation to immigration, social, education and integration policy. Germany has been a destination for immigrants for decades, and the proportion of the population that speaks German as its mother tongue will decrease dramatically in the future. “Linguistic integration” will yield only moderate successes in the process of Germanising members of naturalised ethnic groups who speak a different mother tongue. Voluntary linguistic assimilation and linguistic difference are legitimate in equal measure in a liberal society. However, the rate of migration is today far more rapid than the rate of assimilation. Ethnic Germans cannot expect that parents of another ethnicity will produce and educate German children. They themselves must put an end to their reluctance to have children if they do not want to become a minority in Germany.
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Notes
- 1.
Sarrazin (2010a).
- 2.
Sarrazin (2010b).
- 3.
Sarrazin (2010c).
- 4.
This text was written in October 2010. Its linguistic form of relating to current developments at that time was not changed when it was amended. References to subsequent events have been made in the footnotes.
- 5.
See most of the comments in Deutschlandstiftung Integration (2010).
- 6.
Indeed, Sarrazin had almost entirely disappeared from the television screens after just a few months, and was in effect no longer to be heard on the radio, even though he is attempting to draw attention to himself with new books: Sarrazin (2012). For a discussion on the media reaction to his bestseller, see: Sarrazin (2014).
- 7.
For a critical examination of Sarrazin’s theories, see: Krell (2013, pp. 35–51).
- 8.
Volksheld Sarrazin (2010).
- 9.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 279).
- 10.
Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany 1974–1982.
- 11.
Sarrazin (2010d).
- 12.
Schmalz-Jacobsen (2010).
- 13.
Almstedt (2010).
- 14.
Wehler (2010).
- 15.
Dohnanyi (2010).
- 16.
Thilo Sarrazin im Gespräch, in: Lettre International Nr. 86, http://lettre.de/archiv/86-Sarrazin.html
- 17.
See the lecture in Chap. 5.
- 18.
Wulff (2010).
- 19.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 18).
- 20.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 8).
- 21.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 61).
- 22.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 317).
- 23.
Sarrazin (2010a, pp. 93, 98, 226).
- 24.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 98f).
- 25.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 90).
- 26.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 150).
- 27.
Sarrazin (2010a, p. 149).
- 28.
This forecast appears to have become reality more rapidly than expected, in that in February 2013, the party Alternative für Deutschland (“Alternative for Germany”), which was essentially founded in opposition to the Euro currency policy, took on characteristics of a right-wing populist party. To some degree, it shows strong sympathies for the PEGIDA movement (Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes—“Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the western world”), which was founded in October 2014 in Dresden.
- 29.
Das deutsche Wort (1980).
- 30.
Sarrazin (2010e).
- 31.
The psychologist Elsbeth Stern, to whose works Sarrazin refers, accuses him of incorrectly citing her statements, and emphasises that: “… in the formation and development of intelligence, a very large number of genes work together which are distributed over all chromosomes … Parents and children show only a medium-level correlation in intelligence quotients. Below-average intelligent parents can have above-average intelligent children, and vice-versa” in Geyer (2010).
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Jahn, E. (2015). The Offences and Repudiation of Thilo Sarrazin. Are There Limits to Freedom of Political Opinion in Germany?. In: German Domestic and Foreign Policy. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47929-2_2
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