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Defining Borders on Land and Sea: Italy, the European Union and Mediterranean Refugees, 2011–2015

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Mapping Migration, Identity, and Space

Abstract

Sredanovic analyzes the case of refugees who crossed the Channel of Sicily to reach Italy between 2011 and 2015, first from Tunisia and Libya and then from other African and Middle Eastern countries. He shows the ways in which the borders of Italy and the European Union (EU) were redefined in answer to these arrivals. He shows how sea borders are disciplinary areas on which states both exercise control and hold the responsibility for rescue operations and how the activities of border management can be concentrated in limited areas or extended to a larger portion of sea and land. The period considered further saw a Europeanization of the Channel of Sicily, with direct interventions of the EU in border management and asylum operations, but also repeated crises of the Schengen Agreement limiting border controls within Europe. The symbolic importance given to arrivals by sea in Italy in the last 25 years contributed to a rapid politicization of the asylum issue in the country. While refugees had almost no public image in Italy before 2011, their identification with the figure of the irregular migrant arriving by sea brought a rapid emergence of xenophobia directed specifically at refugees.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This chapter focuses on the Channel of Sicily route, although a second route, the Aegean-Balkan one, has become important in Europe in the last few years. In the case of the Aegean-Balkan route, refugees enter the Schengen area crossing the Aegean Sea from Turkey to the Greek islands, exit Schengen moving through Macedonia and Serbia and re-enter it in Hungary or Croatia.

  2. 2.

    A clear-cut differentiation between economic migrants and refugees is problematic, because economic migrants are also often pushed by hardship and refugees can have economic motivations, and because the two groups often travel side by side—see Kumin (2014), Casas-Cortés et al. (Chap. 11, in this volume). However, international law entails specific obligations of the state towards refugees and as the current large influx in Europe is overwhelmingly made up of people with a legally sound claim to asylum, in this text I treat refugees as a relatively identifiable group.

  3. 3.

    See Pugh, “Drowning not Waving: Boat People and Humanitarianism at Sea,” 50–69, on international law norms.

  4. 4.

    In this text ‘norms’ always refers to legal norms, which can derive from a specific national law, from international law and applied within national legislation, or exist in the legislation of different states through legislative imitation rather than because of its inscription in international law.

  5. 5.

    Bruno, “L’ennesimo sbarco di clandestini,” 95–107; “Tracciare i confini esterni. Arrivi, sbarchi, clandestini e l’eterna ‘invasione’,” 162–83.

  6. 6.

    Pastore, “Schengen’s Soft Underbelly? Irregular Migration and Human Smuggling across Land and Sea Borders to Italy,” 95–118; Cvajner and Sciortino, “Dal Mediterraneo al Baltico? Il cambiamento nei sistemi migratori italiani,” 23–52; “Away from the Mediterranean. Italy’s Changing Migration Systems,” 15–23.

  7. 7.

    Ministero dell’Interno, Rapporto sulla criminalità in Italia 2006- Analisi, prevenzione, contrasto, report, http://www.interno.gov.it/mininterno/export/sites/default/it/assets/files/14/0900_rapporto_criminalita.pdf.

  8. 8.

    Cvajner and Sciortino “Dal Mediterraneo al Baltico? Il cambiamento nei sistemi migratori italiani,” 23–52; “Away from the Mediterranean. Italy’s Changing Migration Systems,” 15–23.

  9. 9.

    Barbiano di Belgiojoso and Ortensi, “Should I Stay or Should I Go? The Case of Italy,” 31–38.; Della Puppa, Uomini in movimento. Il lavoro della maschilità tra Bangladesh e Italia.

  10. 10.

    Favell and Hansen, “Markets against politics: Migration, EU enlargement and the idea of Europe,” 561–601.; Cvajner and Sciortino, “Theorizing Irregular Migration: The Control of Spatial Mobility in Differentiated Societies,” 389–404.; Finotelli and Sciortino, “Through the Gates of the Fortress: European Visa Policies and the Limits of Immigration Control,” 80–101.

  11. 11.

    Bernardie-Tahir and Schmoll, “Islands And Undesirables: Introduction To The Special Issue On Irregular Migration In Southern European Islands,” 87–102.

  12. 12.

    Tazzioli, “The Desultory Politics of Mobility and the Humanitarian-Military Border in the Mediterranean. Mare Nostrum Beyond the Sea,” 61–82.

  13. 13.

    See, among others, Albuquerque Abell, “Safe Country Provisions in Canada and in the European Union: A Critical Assessment,” 561–590.

  14. 14.

    This norm has been strongly challenged, but never entirely cancelled, by the development of the Aegean-Balkan route and by the exceptions in which most governments decided to allow for the recent influx of refugees.

  15. 15.

    Albuquerque Abell, “Safe Country Provisions in Canada and in the European Union: A Critical Assessment,” 569–90.

  16. 16.

    Salter, “The Global Visa Regime and the Political Technologies of the International Self: Borders, Bodies, Biopolitics,” 167–89.

  17. 17.

    Rodenhäuser, “Another Brick in the Wall: Carrier Sanctions and the Privatization of Immigration Control,” 223–47.

  18. 18.

    Marchetti, “Rifugiati e migranti forzati in Italia. Il pendolo tra ‘emergenza’ e ‘sistema,’” 53–70.

  19. 19.

    King and Mai, Out of Albania. From crisis migration to social inclusion in Italy.

  20. 20.

    Petrović, Rifugiati, profughi, sfollati. Breve storia del diritto d’asilo in Italia dalla Costituzione ad oggi, 42–43.

  21. 21.

    Kushner, “Meaning nothing but good: ethics, history and asylum-seeker phobia in Britain,” 257–76.

  22. 22.

    Willems, “Development, patterns and causes of violence against foreigners in Germany: Social and biographical characteristics of perpetrators and the process of escalation,” 162–81.

  23. 23.

    Cuttitta, “La «frontiérisation» de Lampedusa, comment se construit une frontière.”

  24. 24.

    Cuttitta, “La «frontiérisation» de Lampedusa, comment se construit une frontière.”; Dines et al. (2015); Lendaro (2015).

  25. 25.

    Bernardie-Tahir and Schmoll, “Islands And Undesirables: Introduction To The Special Issue On Irregular Migration In Southern European Islands,” 87–102.

  26. 26.

    Bernardie-Tahir and Schmoll, “Islands And Undesirables: Introduction To The Special Issue On Irregular Migration In Southern European Islands,” 87–102; Cuttitta, “La «frontiérisation» de Lampedusa, comment se construit une frontière.”

  27. 27.

    Marchetti, “Expanded Borders: Policies and Practices of Preventive Refoulement in Italy,” 160–183.

  28. 28.

    Colombo, Fuori controllo?: miti e realtà dellimmigrazione in Italia.

  29. 29.

    Marchetti, “Rifugiati e migranti forzati in Italia. Il pendolo tra ‘emergenza’ e ‘sistema,’” 53–70.

  30. 30.

    See Nascimbene and Di Pascale, “The ‘Arab Spring’ and the Extraordinary Influx of People who Arrived in Italy from North Africa,” 341–60, for further details on the legal context.

  31. 31.

    Marchetti, “Rifugiati e migranti forzati in Italia. Il pendolo tra ‘emergenza’ e ‘sistema,’” 53–70.; Sredanovic and Lelleri “The ‘Emergency North Africa’ in the Bologna area: visions and tensions of hospitality in operators’ discourses,” 203–220.

  32. 32.

    Giuffré, “Watered-down Rights on the High Seas: Hirsi Jamaa and Others V Italy,” 728–50.; Kumin “Policy adrift. The challenge of mixed migrations by sea,” 306–24.

  33. 33.

    See Wihtol de Wenden, “La frontière dans les relations internationales: les révolutions arabes et le contentieux franco-italien à propos de Schengen,” 277–284.

  34. 34.

    Media analyses (e.g., Bruno 2004, 2016) have shown how the media focused on arrivals by sea for a long time. My own analyses on the newspapers’ front pages in 2013 (Sredanovic and Zenuni 2014), and even in 2012 (Sredanovic 2013), found a preponderance of news on such arrivals.

  35. 35.

    Ministero dell’Interno, Rapporto sulla criminalità in Italia 2006- Analisi, prevenzione, contrasto, report, http://www.interno.gov.it/mininterno/export/sites/default/it/assets/files/14/0900_rapporto_criminalita.pdf.

  36. 36.

    See Finotelli and Sciortino, “Through the Gates of the Fortress: European Visa Policies and the Limits of Immigration Control,” 80–101.

  37. 37.

    Sredanovic and Lelleri, “The ‘Emergency North Africa’ in the Bologna area: visions and tensions of hospitality in operators’ discourses,” 203–220.

  38. 38.

    One hypothesis that emerged during the focus groups was that the daily sum was set at a higher level to convince otherwise unwilling Italian public, third sector or commercial entities to accept refugees. In other words, xenophobes, institutional or otherwise, contributed to raise the cost of hospitality.

  39. 39.

    Belluati, “Lampedusa, 3 Ottobre 2013. Cronaca di una tragedia,” 63–78; Bruno, “Frame e discorsi televisivi nel racconto del dolore. Il naufragio di Lampedusa nei talk italiani,” 80–98.

  40. 40.

    De Vittor, “Il diritto di traversare il Mediterraneo… o quantomeno di provarci,” 63–81.

  41. 41.

    Marchetti, “Rifugiati e migranti forzati in Italia. Il pendolo tra ‘emergenza’ e ‘sistema,’” 53–70.

  42. 42.

    Tazzioli, “The Desultory Politics of Mobility and the Humanitarian-Military Border in the Mediterranean. Mare Nostrum Beyond the Sea,” 61–82.

  43. 43.

    Lendaro, “«No finger print!» Les mobilisations des migrants à Lampedusa, ou quand l’espace compte.”; Marchetti “Rifugiati e migranti forzati in Italia. Il pendolo tra ‘emergenza’ e ‘sistema,’” 53–70.

  44. 44.

    Willems, “Development, patterns and causes of violence against foreigners in Germany: Social and biographical characteristics of perpetrators and the process of escalation,” 162–81.

  45. 45.

    See Casas-Cortés et al. (Chap. 11, in this volume).

  46. 46.

    Tazzioli, “The Desultory Politics of Mobility and the Humanitarian-Military Border in the Mediterranean. Mare Nostrum Beyond the Sea,” 61–82.

  47. 47.

    Bernardie-Tahir and Schmoll, “Islands And Undesirables: Introduction To The Special Issue On Irregular Migration In Southern European Islands,” 87–102.

  48. 48.

    Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780; Anderson, Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism.

  49. 49.

    Torpey, The Invention of the Passport. Surveillance, Citizenship and the State.

  50. 50.

    Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: postcolonial thought and historical difference.

  51. 51.

    Hobsbawm and Ranger, The invention of tradition.

  52. 52.

    Anderson, Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism.

  53. 53.

    Lendaro “«No finger print!» Les mobilisations des migrants à Lampedusa, ou quand l’espace compte”; Marchetti, “Rifugiati e migranti forzati in Italia. Il pendolo tra ‘emergenza’ e ‘sistema,’” 53–70.

  54. 54.

    Belloni, “Refugees as Gamblers: Eritreans Seeking to Migrate Through Italy,” 104–19.

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Sredanovic, D. (2019). Defining Borders on Land and Sea: Italy, the European Union and Mediterranean Refugees, 2011–2015. In: Linhard, T., Parsons, T.H. (eds) Mapping Migration, Identity, and Space. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77956-0_10

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