What’s Not to Like? Justin Trudeau, the Global Disorder, and Liberal Illusions

Klassen, Jerome; Engler, Yves

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-73860-4_4

Jerome Klassen⁶ &
Yves Engler⁷

Part of the book series: Canada and International Affairs ((CIAF))

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Abstract

This chapter analyses Canadian foreign policy in light of current dynamics in the global political economy. It argues that the neoliberal period of economic and political governance under US hegemony has reached an impasse; that new tendencies in the world economy and state system are upending US primacy and engendering new patterns of multi-polarity and geopolitical conflict; that Canadian foreign policy during the neoliberal period has supported the primacy strategy of Washington and the economic interests of Canadian capital; and that, despite new patterns of global disorder, the same logic of Canadian foreign policy will persist under Justin Trudeau. For case studies, the chapter focuses on two flashpoint regions in which Canadian foreign policy is currently engaged: the Middle East and Eastern Europe.

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Notes

1.
TheStar.com and Canadian Press (2015).
2.
For a more in-depth analysis, see Government of Canada (2017a).
3.
Government of Canada (2017b).
4.
Haldeman (2016).
5.
Lawson (2015).
6.
Obama (2015).
7.
Doyle (1986).
8.
Mearsheimer (2001), Waltz (1979).
9.
Ibid. (1994).
10.
Marx (1937).
11.
Ibid. (1976).
12.
Shaikh (2016). Also, for a more introductory explanation of Marxist crisis theory, see Roberts (2016).
13.
Callinicos (2009).
14.
For more on these concepts, see various publications by Alexander Anievas especially, Anievas (2014).
15.
Hearden (2002), Ikenberry (2006), Klassen (2014).
16.
Leffler (1992).
17.
Gowan (2003), Schlesinger (2004).
18.
Early Cold War concerns later encouraged more flexibility in US demands towards dismantling the British Empire’s preferential trading system (Zeiler 1997).
19.
Leffler (1984, 349–51).
20.
Layne (2006), Leffler (1984, 1992), Lundestad (1986).
21.
Klassen (2014, 69–70).
22.
Central Intelligence Agency (1948).
23.
Kolko (1988).
24.
Chomsky and Herman (1979), Chomsky (1996).
25.
Harvey (2005).
26.
Duménil and Lévy (2013).
27.
Amsden (2007).
28.
Chang (2008, 27), United Nations (2005, 75).
29.
United Nations Development Programme (2010, 4, 72).
30.
Tirman (2011, 182–192).
31.
United States (1992).
32.
Ibid. (1997).
33.
Ibid. (2002).
34.
Ibid. (2010).
35.
Duménil and Lévy (2013).
36.
Krugman (2012); Milanovic (2016).
37.
United Nations Development Programme (2013, 65).
38.
Ibid. (2013, iv).
39.
Klassen (2013).
40.
Chandrasekaran (2013).
41.
Stokes (2009).
42.
Rosen (2010).
43.
Leverett and Leverett (2013, 6–7).
44.
Abukhalil (2004, 31–32).
45.
United States (2009).
46.
Mazzetti and Schmitt (2016), Mazzetti and Apuzzo (2016), Bayoumy (2016).
47.
Finkelstein (2003), Pappe (2006).
48.
Finkelstein (2003).
49.
United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (2017).
50.
Gendzier (2015).
51.
Finkelstein (2003).
52.
Miller (2005).
53.
For a general overview, see Gelvin (2015). On neoliberal class formation in Syria, see Haddad (2011).
54.
WikiLeaks (2016).
55.
Chivers and Schmitt (2013).
56.
Allam (2015).
57.
Lister (2015).
58.
See, for example, JPost.com Staff (2015), Chulov (2015).
59.
Entous (2015).
60.
McFaul et al (2014).
61.
Ploeg (2017, 199–205).
62.
Mearsheimer (2014).
63.
Shifrinson (2016a, b).
64.
Sakwa (2016, x).
65.
Ibid. (ix).
66.
On the night of February 20–21, Ukrainian leaders from all sides signed an agreement to resolve the crisis through the formation of a national unity government, witnessed by Russian and European Union officials (Sakwa, 2016, 88).
67.
Sakwa (2016, 99).
68.
Klassen (2014, 87–114).
69.
Ibid. (117–119).
70.
Carroll and Klassen (2010), Klassen and Carroll (2011).
71.
Klassen (2014, 183).
72.
Ibid. (220–248); Shipley (2017).
73.
Ghobari (2016), Masters (2016), McKernan (2017).
74.
Chase (2016c); Ling (2016).
75.
Chase and Fife (2016).
76.
Ayed et al. (2016).
77.
Pugliese (2014).
78.
Lake (2015), CAE (2017).
79.
Ling (2016).
80.
Government of Canada (2017c).
81.
Global Affairs Canada (2015).
82.
Kapelos (2016).
83.
Chase (2016b).
84.
Global Affairs Canada (2016).
85.
Chase (2016a).
86.
Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries (2015).
87.
Ibid. (2017).
88.
Norton (2016).
89.
Brewster (2017).
90.
CTV News (2015).
91.
Zimonjic and Tasker (2017).
92.
Postmedia News (2016).
93.
Canadian Press (2017).
94.
Campion-Smith (2017).
95.
Brewster (2017).
96.
Cossette (2017).
97.
United Nations (2016).
98.
Ibid. (2016).
99.
Engler (2016).
100.
Trudeau (2017).
101.
Berthiaume (2016a).
102.
Chase (2016b).
103.
Akin (2016).
104.
Berthiaume (2016b).
105.
Defence 24, 2016; Chase (2015).
106.
Losh (2017), de Ploeg (2017, 137–145).
107.
Brewster (2015).
108.
Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (2006).
109.
Blanchfield (2007).
110.
MacKinnon (2007).
111.
National Defence (2017).
112.
Berthiaume (2016c).

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MIT Center for International Studies, Cambridge, MA, USA
Jerome Klassen
Independent Scholar, Montreal, QC, Canada
Yves Engler

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Carleton University, Ottawa, ON, Canada
Norman Hillmer
Carleton University, Ottawa, ON, Canada
Philippe Lagassé

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Klassen, J., Engler, Y. (2018). What’s Not to Like? Justin Trudeau, the Global Disorder, and Liberal Illusions. In: Hillmer, N., Lagassé, P. (eds) Justin Trudeau and Canadian Foreign Policy. Canada and International Affairs. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73860-4_4

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73860-4_4
Published: 13 May 2018
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
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Online ISBN: 978-3-319-73860-4
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What’s Not to Like? Justin Trudeau, the Global Disorder, and Liberal Illusions

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Germany’s Growing Power in EUrope: From Multilateral Collectivism Towards Re-Nationalization and Destabilization?

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