Abstract
This chapter provides a brief overview of the Colloquium’s participants, within the broader framework of their life, their philosophical and economic convictions, and their professional accomplishments and contributions. The organizations to which participants belonged and the links and connections between some of them are also addressed. Particular attention is paid to the context of the 1930s.
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Notes
- 1.
Chautemps proceeded to nationalize the railroads and create the SNCF.
- 2.
Auboin (1936).
- 3.
Aron ([1982] 1999, 76–77).
- 4.
Aron (1939).
- 5.
The title can be translated as “Contemporary German Sociology ”.
- 6.
Aron saw in Oppenheimer an authentic liberal keen to make liberalism less inegalitarian. But while Oppenheimer would exercise significant influence over German “neo-liberalism ” and over those interested in a “third way”—Röpke , Rüstow , as well as the young Ludwig Erhard who was his student—Aron remained skeptical of his contributions. Aron himself was at the time more of a socialist, even if he already inclined toward liberalism.
- 7.
Aron (1937).
- 8.
On Laroque, see Jabbari (2012).
- 9.
Baverez (2015).
- 10.
Baudin (1937).
- 11.
Baudin (1941).
- 12.
- 13.
Baudin (1953, 146) .
- 14.
Boyd (1997, 59–60).
- 15.
Castillejo (1937).
- 16.
In 1934, at the invitation of the School of Corporative Sciences of Pisa, led by Giuseppe Bottai , the minister of corporations of the Fascist regime, Condliffe agreed to submit a text—like other economist colleagues supportive of the New Deal or English socialism—on the recent transformations in the era of general interventionism and dirigisme . One should not see in this contribution the sign of an allegiance to Fascism . On the other hand, there is no question that it bears witness to a sympathy for dirigiste theses, or at least to an absence of strong hostility. On the subject of the new economic and social policies in Australia , Condliffe defended the progress achieved in the realm of social protection . As far as he was concerned, capitalism and liberalism had to renew themselves.
- 17.
Fleming (1998).
- 18.
- 19.
Detoeuf (1936, 37) . The complexity of Detoeuf as a figure is illustrated by the magazine he co-founded and which left a mark on intellectual life in the late 1930s, Les Nouveaux Cahiers. Launched in March 1937, gone in 1940, this magazine—bimonthly then monthly—was a strange intellectual and doctrinal laboratory where technocratic and modernizing executives, trade unionists, economics, and intellectuals met.—Some contributors were on the right , whereas others, more numerous, were on the left . Several of its members would pursue their career under the Vichy regime, but not all, and these trajectories or excesses should not lead to a too-hasty judgment of this complex experience. Such an attempt at rapprochement between technocratic industrialists and trade unionists would re-occur during the brief existence of the Centre international d’Etudes pour la rénovation du libéralisme : Rougier and especially Marlio wanted to invite trade unionists and socialists. The writings of Detoeuf also express these attempts at rapprochement.
- 20.
- 21.
These lectures were soon published under the title Prices and Production, 1931.
- 22.
Howson (2011, 178).
- 23.
Among his rare liberal colleagues, one should mention Edwin Cannan , who played a role due to his interest in English and Scottish liberalism.
- 24.
Hayek (1983, 425).
- 25.
Hayek (1937).
- 26.
- 27.
The edited volume, prefaced and concluded by Hayek, was translated into French in 1939—by Daniel Villey (who would become an important player in the Centre International d’Etudes pour la Rénovation du Libéralisme, then in the Mont Pelerin Society ), at the Médicis publishing house under the title L’économie dirigée en régime collectiviste.
- 28.
“[I]t is a fatal delusion to believe that authoritarian government can be confined to economic matters. The tragic fact is that dictatorial direction cannot remain confined to economic matters but is bound to expand and to become ‘totalitarian’ in the strict sense of the word. The economic dictator will soon find himself forced, even against his wishes, to assume dictatorship over the whole of the political and cultural life of the people.” (Hayek 1938)
- 29.
White (2012, 155–173).
- 30.
Hayek (1967).
- 31.
See also Cubeddu (1993).
- 32.
Hayek (1967, 84).
- 33.
Hayek (1994, 128). One of the reasons that is often cited is that The Road to Serfdom had led to public notoriety of Hayek which harmed his academic reputation. There were moreover important methodological disagreements between the Austrian School and the members of Chicago’s economics department, which Hayek as well as Milton Friedman would later acknowledge.
- 34.
Liggio (1994, 517).
- 35.
Salerno (1992, 107–108).
- 36.
See for instance his work , prefaced by Rappard , on monetary problems after World War I in Poland , Austria , and Czechoslovakia , 1931 (Heilperin 1931).
- 37.
Salerno (1992).
- 38.
Heilperin (1939).
- 39.
Salerno (1992).
- 40.
Heilperin (1967).
- 41.
Anon (1973, 24).
- 42.
Lavergne (1932, 422–434).
- 43.
In the July 1936 edition of the journal L’Année politique française et étrangère, he provided a favorable account of Rougier’s Les Mystiques économiques, emphasizing that the philosopher pleads for a “mitigated and reasonable liberalism”.
- 44.
Lavergne (1938, 219) .
- 45.
- 46.
- 47.
- 48.
It is the subject of the famous conference given by Halévy in 1936, “L’ère des tyrannies”, that Wilhelm Röpke also appreciated
- 49.
Audier (2012b).
- 50.
It was Bouglé who signed the preface of Marjolin’s university work , L’évolution du syndicalisme aux États-Unis: de Washington à Roosevelt (Alcan, 1936) (“the development of trade unionism in the United States : from Washington to the United States ”).
- 51.
- 52.
Marjolin (1986, 123).
- 53.
Marjolin (1941).
- 54.
Notably in his 1938 work Le sort du capitalisme, (the fate of capitalism).
- 55.
- 56.
Marlio (1946).
- 57.
Marlio (1943).
- 58.
Marlio (1951).
- 59.
On the significance of the Musée Social, see Horne (2002).
- 60.
Audier (2012a, 216).
- 61.
- 62.
Audier (2012b, 141).
- 63.
See White (2012, 32–67).
- 64.
One should add, among the future invitees of the Lippmann Colloquium, Lionel Robbins , future colleague of Hayek at the LSE . The book of Robbins , Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science (1932), was to a degree inspired by Mises and the Austrian school.
- 65.
- 66.
Mises (1944).
- 67.
Howson (2011, 237).
- 68.
Hülsmann (2007, 727). It is important to remember that at the time the Lippmann Colloquium was held, Mises was working on a book against statism and totalitarianism that would only be published posthumously in 1978, with a preface by Alfred Müller-Armack, under the title Im Namen des Staates oder die Gefahren des Kollektivismus (Stuttgart: Verlag Bonn Aktuell).
- 69.
Piatier (1938a).
- 70.
One reviewer regretted that Piatier did not emphasize the risks of an excessive tax burden to vibrant economic growth (Schwob 1939, 91).
- 71.
Now the University of Manchester.
- 72.
Polanyi , Michael. 1946. Science , Faith and Society. New Brunswick and London : Transaction Publishers. p. 8.
- 73.
These research projects provoked Hayek’s interest. It is also in Economica that Polanyi published in 1941 an article titled “The growth of thought in society”.
- 74.
Scott and Moleski (2005, 161).
- 75.
Polanyi had often expressed his support for the recommendations of the author of the General Theory.
- 76.
In 1956, Röpke expressed to the secretary of the Mont Pelerin Society his frustration with Polanyi’s analyses, which he deemed too favorable to Tito’s Yugoslavia and its economic system. Röpke asked Hunold to “submit the case” of Polanyi to Hayek—that is to say, contemplate his expulsion. But Hayek ended the controversy, staying on good terms with Polanyi (Solchany 2015, 367).
- 77.
Polanyi’s understanding of science differed from that of Karl Popper , and even with regard to the concept of the “open society” Polanyi’s understanding differed from Popper’s.
- 78.
Possony (1938).
- 79.
Possony and Pournelle (1970).
- 80.
- 81.
For a clear analysis of the crisis of the Weimar republic and the constitutional aspects of the crisis, see Kennedy (2004, in particular 119–153).
- 82.
Solchany (2015, 190).
- 83.
See Röpke’s chapter “Modern Mass Society” in Röpke (1960 [1958]).
- 84.
In a letter dated October 4th, 1938, shortly after the Walter Lippmann Colloquium was held, and traumatized by the Munich agreement, Röpke despairingly compared Chamberlain to Hindenburg, both having shown culpable weakness toward National Socialism . Cited in Solchany (2015, 122).
- 85.
- 86.
White (2012, 243).
- 87.
The English translation of Jenseits von Angebot und Nachfrage was published under the title A Humane Economy.
- 88.
- 89.
- 90.
His grandfather, Jean-Claude Paul Rougier (1826–1901), author of a liberal treatise titled La liberté commerciale, les douanes et les traités de commerce (1878), had been the creator and first holder of the Chair of Political Economy at the Faculty of Lyon, and Vice-President of the association in Lyon titled Société d’économie politique et d’économie sociale, where Louis Rougier , decades later, held a conference in 1939 on “L’offensive du néo-libéralisme”.
- 91.
Rougier met Ferrero for the first time in 1929 and paid him a visit afterward in Florence, while the latter was under police surveillance by Mussolini’s regime. Regretting that the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation did not respond with more zeal to help Ferrero , Rougier invoked the help of the French socialist Albert Thomas to persuade his old friend Mussolini to give Ferrero an exit visa. After his liberation in 1931, Ferrero taught at the Institut universitaires des Hautes Etudes internationales in Geneva, where numerous “neo-liberal” figures would emerge, among whom Rougier himself and Röpke , also a close friend and admirer of Ferrero .
- 92.
Rougier (1954, 103).
- 93.
Rougier (1938, 9).
- 94.
Rougier (1938, 34).
- 95.
Chivvis (2010, 18).
- 96.
Rueff (1931).
- 97.
Rueff (1934).
- 98.
Rueff (1935).
- 99.
Rueff (1958).
- 100.
Rueff (1938).
- 101.
Rueff (1958).
- 102.
Rueff (1979).
- 103.
Hence, Rueff wrote the preface to the French translation of Röpke’s Jenseits von Angebot und Nachfrage, and Röpke wrote the preface to the German translation of Rueff’s L’ordre social.
- 104.
Rueff strongly supported the 1957 Treaty of Rome, whereas Röpke was a staunch critic of the treaty.
- 105.
See Meier-Rust (1993).
- 106.
Rüstow (1980, xii–xxii).
- 107.
Solchany (2015, 170).
- 108.
Schüßler (2009, 3–17).
- 109.
He became a friend of Walter Eucken and maintained a correspondence with him.
- 110.
The association founded by economists of the “historical school” favorable to “social” policies.
- 111.
Audier (2012b, 133).
- 112.
Rüstow (1980, xviii).
- 113.
Rüstow (1950–1957).
- 114.
- 115.
Vanberg observes that “the slightly interventionist, outcome-oriented flavor of the concept of the social market economy was much more reflective of the thoughts of Müller-Armack , who coined the term, and of Röpke and Rüstow than of the founders of the Freiburg School who advocated a strictly procedural and rule-oriented liberalism” (Vanberg 2004, 2).
- 116.
Ritchey (2012).
- 117.
Anon. [Van Zeeland , Marcel] (1937).
- 118.
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Reinhoudt, J., Audier, S. (2018). Colloquium Participants. In: The Walter Lippmann Colloquium. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65885-8_2
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