Abstract
The intention of this chapter is to link the revival of rhetoric, starting in the mid-twentieth century, and the genesis of the discipline in the Greek culture of Sicily in the fifth century BC. Following Aristotle, the first rhetorical kind of speech was the deliberative one, aimed at convincing people during public debate. An example of deliberative genre is in Titus Livius, author of a monumental history of Rome. In his work, Ab Urbe Condita libri CXLII, the literary and artistic value can be appreciated in exalting the myth of Roma Aeterna and in favouring a character of greater eloquence, proceeding in the tradition of Herodotus and Isocrates. Both characteristics are evident in the episode of the Gallic sack of Rome. Its protagonist is Marcus Furius Camillus, saviour and Second Founder of the Urbe. Voluntary exiled at Ardea in Lazio, from there the hero urged the elders in the local Senate to take up arms to defend Rome. Observing the representations produced by means of the procedural approach, the argumentative flow of this case study can be seen. In accordance with the compositional patterns of rhetorical technique, the density of connections highlights the main actors of the impeccable persuasive strategy.
Haec nostro more nos diximus, Epicurii dicunt suo;
sed quae dicant videamus, quo modo neglegamus.
Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes
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Notes
- 1.
A complete bibliography of Hovland’s works, a summary of the Yale school and other psychological research aimed at the study of rhetoric is found in de Montmollin (1969).
- 2.
Among the best known scholars, Eco must be remembered; see Eco (1968).
- 3.
On the origin of ancient rhetoric, see Montanari (1998, pp. 403–408).
- 4.
This information comes from Cicero (in particular paragraph 46): «[45] This age therefore first produced at Athens an orator all but perfect. For the ambition to speak well does not arise when men are engaged in establishing government, nor occupied with the conduct of war, nor shackled and chained by the authority of kings. Upon peace and tranquillity eloquence attends as their ally, it is, one may say, the offspring of well-established civic order. [46] Thus Aristotle say that in Sicily, after expulsion of tyrants, when after a long interval restitution of private property was sought by legal means, Corax and Tisias the Sicilians, with the acuteness and controversial habit of their people, first put together some theoretical precepts; that before them, while many had taken pains to speak with care and with orderly arrangement, no one had followed a definite method or art. He says further that Protagoras wrote out and furnished discussions of certain large general subjects such as we now call commonplaces; [47] that Gorgias did the same, writing particularly in praise or in censure of given things, since he held that it was the particular function of oratory to magnify a thing by praise, or again by disparagement to belittle it; that Antiphon of Rhamnus produced some similar writings, concerning whom we have the trustworthy assurance of Thucydides that no man ever pleaded his case better, when in his hearing Antiphon defended himself on a capital charge; [48] that as to Lysias, it was only in the beginning of his career that he professed the art of rhetoric, but afterwards, seeing that Theodorus was a more skilful theorist and teacher, though dry as a speaker, he began to compose speeches for others and abandoned the profession of teacher. He tells also how Isocrates with similar alternation at first denied that there was an art of speaking, while at the same time he was writing speeches for others to use in court; but when it happened repeatedly that he was summoned as having violated a law like ours “providing against circumvention or chicanery by judicial process”, he ceased to write speeches for others and devoted himself wholly to the composition of theory and models of oratory». Cicero, Brutus 45–48, in the English translation by George Lincoln Hendrickson, fellow of Branford College, in the Loeb Classical Library (1952), volume 3, book V, XLIV, pp. 149–151.
- 5.
Aristotle, Rhetoric 1358b, in the English translation by John Henry Freese, fellow of St. John’s College, in the Loeb Classical Library (1947), book I, II. 22. 2–3, p. 33.
- 6.
- 7.
Augustus called Livius by the nickname “Pompeian” due to his pro-Republican views. This fact is reported by Tacitus (Annales IV, 34), which in turn relies on information taken from the lost historian Cremutius Cordus.
- 8.
It is believed that the influence of Livius on Claudius became particularly evident in the final period of Claudius’ reign, when his oratory grew full of quotations from Roman history, drawn faithfully from Livius’ work.
- 9.
Among which the fragment of book CXX is especially significant, as it contains the account of the death of Cicero.
- 10.
Eutropius was a master of rhetoric and was probably of Italian origin. At the request of the Emperor Valens, to whom he was magister memoriae and secretary, he wrote Breviarium ab Urbe condita, a work in ten books that summarized Roman history from the founding of the city until the death of the emperor Jovian (364 AD). In fact, Eutropius employed many sources, but among them the role of Livius is preeminent.
- 11.
For example, Livius gives two versions of the disappearance of Romulus: the first is a mythical version, and speaks of his ascension among the gods; the second is a secular version, according to which Romulus was killed. Livius does not favour one of the two versions, but leaves the decision about which to give credit to to the discretion of the reader. In particular, Livius argued that the lack of trustworthy sources prior to the sack of Rome in 390 BC made the task of reconstructing the archaic period very difficult.
- 12.
The narrative intent was, nevertheless, framed within an annalistic schema: Livius used a style in which historical chronology and narration alternate, and he interrupts his narrations to announce the election of new consuls, since this was the system used by the Romans to mark the passing year and the one traditionally adopted by historians.
- 13.
The sense of drama can also seen in the use of the typical Greek techinque known as Deus ex Machina to save a narrative situation that is about to fail.
- 14.
«18. On their first invasion they not only conquered this country but reduced to subjection many of the neighbouring peoples, striking terror into them by their audacity. Not long afterwards they defeated the Romans and their allies in a pitched battle, and pursuing the fugitives, occupied, three days after the battle, the whole of Rome with the exception of the Capitol, being diverted by an invasion of their own country by the Veneti, they made on this occasion a treaty with the Romans, and evacuating the city, returned home.» Polybius, Histories II, 18, 1–3 in the English translation by William Roger Paton, Ph.D. of Stanford University, in the Loeb Classical Library in 6 volumes (1923), volume 1, p. 285.
- 15.
«117. While the Romans were in a weakened condition because of the misfortune we have described, the Volscians went to war against them. Accordingly the Roman military tribunes enrolled soldiers, took the field with their army, and pitched camp on the Campus Martius, as it is called, two hundred stades distant from Rome. Since the Volscians lay over against them with a larger force and were assaulting the camp, the citizens in Rome, fearing for the safety of those in the encampment, appointed Marcus Furius dictator. … These armed all the men of military age and marched out during the night. At day-break they caught the Volscians as they were assaulting the camp, and appearing on their rear easily put them to flight. When the troops in the camp then sallied forth, the Volscians were caught in the middle and cut down almost to a man. Thus a people that passed for powerful in former days was by this disaster reduced to the weakest among the neighbouring tribes. After the battle the dictator, on hearing that Bola was being besieged by the Aeculani, who are now called Aequicoli, led forth his troops and slew most of besieging army. From here he marched to the territory of Sutrium, a Roman colony, which the Tyrrhenians had forcibly occupied. Falling unexpectedly upon the Tyrrhenians, he slew many of them and recovered the city for the people of Sutrium. The Gauls on their way from Rome laid siege to the city of Veascium which was an ally of the Romans. The dictator attached them, slew the larger number of them, and got possession of all their baggage, included in which was the gold which they had received for Rome and practically all the booty which they had gathered in the seizure of the city. Despite the accomplishment of such great deeds, envy on the part of the tribunes prevented his celebrating a triumph. There are some, however, who state that he celebrated a triumph for his victory over the Tuscans in a chariot drawn by four white horses, for which the people two years later fined him a large sum of money. But we shall recur to this in the appropriate period of time. Those Celts who had passed into Iapygia turned back through the territory of the Romans; but soon thereafter the Cerii made a crafty attack on them by night and cut all of them to pieces in the Trausian Plain». Diodorus of Sicily, Book XIV, 117 in the English translation by Charles Henry Oldfather, professor of ancient history and languages at the University of Nebraska, in the Loeb Classical Library in 12 volumes (1923), volume VI, pp. 315–319.
- 16.
More details concerning the entire historical period of the battle against the Gauls are found in Plutarch, Life of Camillus, 15–32 (Plutarch’s Lives, with the English translation by Bernadotte Perrin, Professor at Yale University, in the Loeb Classical Library (1968), vol. II, pp. 127–177).
- 17.
See the debate in Chilese (2013).
- 18.
A stream located at the 18th kilometer of the Via Salaria, whose area of confluence with the Tiber is now called “Fosso della Bettina”.
- 19.
During the devastation of the city, the State Archives, which contained many documents dating back to the founding of Rome, were lost. All the events preceding the battle are thus largely legendary and difficult to reconstruct historically, as can be deduced from Livius’ preface: “As for the events relating to the founding of Rome or earlier, I seek neither to affirm they are true nor to deny them: their appeal is due more to poets’ imagination than to the reliability of the information.” Nevertheless, many modern historians believe that at that time there could not have been many pre-existing chronicles or documents.
- 20.
Vae Victis is a phrase that literally means “Woe to the vanquished”: while the Romans were weighing the gold they had to pay the Gaul as a war tribute, one of them protested because the weights were rigged. Brennus then drew his heavy sword and added it to the plate of the weights to be matched in gold, thus making the calculation even more unfair; he simultaneously exclaimed “Vae Victis” indicating that the terms of surrender are unquestionably dictated by the winners, based on the right of the strongest. Since this story clearly tends to discredit the image of the Gauls, the general opinion of historians is that the historical veracity of the episode is non-existent. The phrase has become proverbial due to the spread of this account and it is frequently used as a bitter comment on exceptionally cruel oppression or on excessive zeal against a defenceless opponent. It has been used as a synonym for the terms of surrender of Italy after its defeat in World War II, with obvious ulterior meanings.
- 21.
Eutropius presents General Marcus Furius Camillus summarizing Livius’ version as follows: «Twenty years afterwards, the people of Veii resumed hostilities. Furius Camillus was sent as dictator against them, who first defeated them in battle, and then, after a long siege, took their city, the oldest and richest in Italy. He next took Falisci, a city of no less note. But popular odium was excited against him, on the ground that he had made an unfair division of the booty, and he was condemned on that charge and banished. Soon after the Galli Senones marched towards Rome; and, pursuing the Romans, whom they defeated at the river Allia, eleven miles from the city, possessed themselves of the city itself, no part of which could be defended against them, except the Capitol. After they had besieged it a long time, and the Romans were suffering from famine, Camillus, who was in exile in a neighbouring city, attacked the Gauls unexpectedly, and gave them a severe defeat. Afterwards, on receiving a sum in gold, to desist from the siege of the Capitol, they retreated; Camillus, however, pursued them, and routed them with such a slaughter, that he recovered both the gold which had been given to them, and all the military standards which they had taken. Thus he entered the city for the third time in triumph, and received the appellation of a second Romulus, as if he also had been a founder of the city». Eutropius, Breviarium ab Urbe Condita, I, 20 in the English translation by John Selby Watson, Rev. of London, in the Henry G. Bohn edition (1853). The translation is online avalaible.
- 22.
The dictatura was one of the extraordinary Roman honores dating back to the origins of the republic, and it remained active until the Second Punic War. «The dictator was created through a solemn dictio, which was the ritual appointment that was possible only in agro Romano. The appointment was made when one of the consuls, by arrangement with his colleague and the Senate, entrusted the post of dictator to someone for a period as long as necessary to respond to the needs (usually military, but not only) which had prompted its creation, and in any case not more than six months. The relation between the dictatorship and the power of the consul, moreover, would seem to have been such that the dictator would in any case expire with the expiration of the consuls’ term of office, during which the dictio had been made. The imperium of the dictator was not susceptible to the intercessio of the Plebeian tribunes; it was summum and was therefore imposed on all the other magistrates. The constitutional function of this office was to overcome any political impasse resulting from the dynamics of ordinary constitutional balances (based on a delicate system of checks and balances) that could block the res publica in times of severe tension and political uncertainty. With the appointment of the dictator (and the consequent suspension of all other magistrates and tribunes), the consuls and the Senate took the initiative and invested a person with supreme powers, someone able to realize, once every type of veto had failed, the tasks that had been or could be hindered or obstructed. But in so doing, they also bore the political responsibility for the initiative, exposing themselves to the consequences of public opinion that was based on the success or failure of the actions of the dictator. On taking up office (which occurred extemplo, i.e. immediately), the dictator had to appoint in turn a magister equitum. The exercise of military power was, for both, subject to the lex curiata de imperio» (my translation of Cerami et al. 2006, p. 57).
- 23.
Probably, the real causes of the defamatory accusations were the excessive power and authority of the patrician; moreover, the archaic Roman mentality considered his triumphant entry into Rome on a chariot drawn by white horses an excessive personalization, which may have fuelled the irritation that exploded in senatorial spheres against him.
- 24.
In the context of events regarding the Latin League, the Ardeati were alternately allies or enemies of Rome (under Tarquinius Superbus, Rome launched an initial attack against Ardea, which was not successful; however, in 509 BC, under the first treaty between Rome and Carthage, the city was among the Romans’ allies). Ardea was the ancient capital of the Rutulians, one of the oldest peoples of Latium Vetus, which included the towns of Antium, Satricum and Lavinium. The city, which has extremely ancient origins, is located in the western part of the Alban Hills. Its origins were described by various versions of the myth, all linked to the story of the landing of Aeneas on the coast of Lazio, and therefore also to the birth of Rome (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ovid, Virgil). The city was one of the most important centres of southern Lazio (from the 8th to the 9th century BC) and it possessed skilled craftsmanship and wealthy commerce. It was renowned for the production of weapons and ornaments and was favoured by its position at the crossroads of Latin, Volscian and Etruscan populations and by its port at the mouth of the river Incastro (Inui Castrum). During the fifth century BC the city fought against the Volscians.
- 25.
The main centres of Cisalpine Gaul were Mediolanum (Milano), inhabited by the Insubrians, Verona, a Cenomanian settlement, and Bononia (Bologna), occupied by the Boii, which was known to the Etruscans as Felsina. The Senones, in particular, settled in a strategic area of the Marche, between the present cities of Pesaro, Macerata and Ancona: their position allowed them easy control over access to the Tiber Valley and to the Adriatic roads towards Puglia and Campania; see Eluère (1992, p. 68).
- 26.
Written texts and archaeological evidence agree on the dual origin of the Celts: on one hand north-eastern Gaul (Champagne), whence came the Senones who settled in the Marche and the hinterland of the Adriatic coast; on the other Central Europe (Bohemia), whence came the Boii. There is significant archaeological evidence of ties already in the fifth century BC between these two regions and the Italic-Etruscan and Italiot area, and of the persistent links between the peoples who settled in Italy and their lands of origin. The artistic productions of the Remi of Champagne, whose quality is clearly indebted to Greek-Etruscan influences, provide some of the evidence; the continuity of relations is evidenced by the development in Bohemia of a new and original local art form, though it was influenced by the cultures of the Italian peninsula through the mediation of the Celtic-Italic environment; see Kruta (2004, pp. 38–42).
- 27.
The diplomatic relations of Rome had elevated to an international level only in some cases, which led to direct contact with Carthage. However, these relations were framed in the wider context of the regulation of Etruscan and Punic interests. Aristotle mentions such relationships (Aristotle, Politeia 1280a) and the bilingual inscription (Phoenician and Etruscan) contained in the gold foils of Pyrgi (Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum, 6314–6316) is considered a confirmation of relations with the Phoenician—if not directly Punic—environment. The broad scope of this ancient convergence had culminated in the second half of the sixth century BC in the anti-Phocean alliance of the Battle of Alalia, which was decisive in defining the balance of power in the Tyrrhenian just before the fifth century BC (see Acquaro 1988). Relations with Carthage had continued even after the end of the Roman kingdom when Rome, at the very beginning of its Republican experience, signed a treaty with Carthage—the first of a series—to which we find reference in Polybius (Histories III, 22), dating back to the early transition stage from monarchy to republic, but which obviously should be considered as part of the normal relations between the Etruscan area and Carthage. Prior to the fourth century BC, other wide-ranging relations were maintained with Etruscan capitals such as Clusium, with poleis such as Cuma, and with Sicily—relations arising mainly in regard to the commerce of wheat (cf. Ogilvie 1976, pp. 78–159).
- 28.
The events of the Gallic sack of Rome had a profound impact not only on Roman history, but also on Etruscan history and that of other Italic peoples. The echo of this event also reverberated in the tradition of Greek historiography: Heraclides of Pontus, a philosopher living just after these events, incidentally gave an account in his book Περὶ ψυχῆς (On the soul) of a «rumour coming from the West that an army, originating in Hyperborea, had conquered a Greek city called Rome, located in an unspecified place of the Great Sea.» The news was also reported by Aristotle, Theopompus and other authors of the fourth century BC; see Ogilvie (1976, p. 166).
- 29.
The Peace of Antalcidas or the King’s Peace (386 BC) was signed between Antalcidas, commander of the Spartan navy, and Artaxerxes II of Persia to impose peace on the enemies of Sparta, against Athens. The Peace of Antalcidas is the first example of a peace treaty guaranteed by sanctions, ratified by all the Greek states, and having no time limit; the treaty safeguarded Spartan hegemony over Greece, but at the cost of recognizing Persian hegemony over Asia Minor and Cyprus. The terms of the deal, announced at Sardi in the winter of 387–386 BC, were formally accepted in Sparta in 386 BC.
- 30.
The fanum Voltumnae (sanctuary of Vertumna) was the Etruscan federal sanctuary, mentioned by ancient sources, but of uncertain origin. It was dedicated to the god Vertumnus (probably an aspect of the god Tinia). Every year in the spring, it was the meeting place of the heads of the twelve Etruscan cities, who came to elect the supreme head of the federation. Religious festivals were also held there and decisions were made in regard to domestic and foreign policy; see Torelli (2000, pp. 275 and 282).
- 31.
The attribution of this role to the Syracusan tyrant appears to be consistent with the subsequent payment of Celtic mercenaries, who had been found on a labour market in which the Doric emporium of Ancona probably had a central role; its port was close to the territory of the Senones; see Sordi (2004).
- 32.
The repression of Reggio cost the tyrant both the admiration of Plato and the indignation of the public opinion of the entire Greek world at the Olympics held in 388 BC. Dionysius received various manifestations of hostility, for example that expressed by Lysias in his Olympic Oration by comparing him to Artaxerxes; see Sordi (2004).
- 33.
In relation to the Celts who had descended into Italy, Polybius speaks of ἑταιρεῖαι, i.e. military “societies of friends” (Polybius, Histories II, 17). Archaeological research, though unable to subtract the question from the domain of hypothesis, suggests that the members of this martial élite had a common characteristic: that of land ownership. It may have been a small aristocracy, uninterested in flaunting obvious differences in status (judging from the funeral accessories) and assembled in military intertribal organizations; see Kruta (2003, pp. 241–250).
- 34.
The traditional Roman chronology is not very accurate because it was based on a calendar that was both lunar and solar, in use before the Julian calendar was adopted. That chronology is marred by a fundamental error, which produces a systematic deviation of 3 to 4 years; it is based on the time sequence of the annual honores and a sequence of dates fixed in a conventional manner at a later date, probably following the intervention of Varro; see Ogilvie (1976, p. 166).
- 35.
The English translation is in the Loeb Classical Library (1960), volume 3, book V, XLIV, pp. 149–151, by Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. of Stanford University.
- 36.
- 37.
If you are reading this book in print, then you will see the figures in greyscale.
- 38.
If you are reading this book in print, then you will see the figures in greyscale.
- 39.
If you are reading this book in print, then you will see the figure in greyscale.
- 40.
See de Beaugrande and Dressler (1981), p. 59.
- 41.
(A) STATE: the temporary, rather than characteristic, condition of an entity; (B) AGENT: the force-possessing entity that performs an action and thus changes a situation; (C) AFFECTED ENTITY: the entity whose situation is changed by an event or action in which it figures as neither agent nor instrument; (D) RELATION: a residual category for incidental, detailed relationships like ‘mother-child’, ‘boss-employee’, etc.; (E) ATTRIBUTE: the characteristic condition of an entity (cf. “state”); (F) LOCATION: spatial location of an entity; (G) TIME: location of a situation or an event in time; (H) MOTION: change of location; (I) INSTRUMENT: a non-intentional object providing the means for an event; (J) FORM: shape, contours, and the like; (K) PART: a component or segment of an entity; (L) SUBSTANCE: materials from which an entity is composed; (M) CONTAINMENT: the location of one entity inside another but not as a part or substance; (N) CAUSE: a set of relations that shows the way a situation or event affects the conditions for other events or situations; (O) ENABLEMENT: sufficient but not necessary condition for the realization of an event; (P) REASON: relationship in which a human action happens as a rational response to some previous event; (Q) PURPOSE: situation or event which is planned to become possible via a previous situation or event; (R) APPERCEPTION: operations of sensorially endowed entities during which knowledge is integrated via sensory organs; (S) COGNITION: storage, organization and use of knowledge by a sensorially endowed entity; (T) EMOTION: an experientially or evaluatively non-neutral state of a sensorially endowed entity; (U) VOLITION: activity of will or desire of a sensorially endowed entity; (V) RECOGNITION: successful match between apperception and prior cognition; (W) COMMUNICATION: activity of expressing and transmitting cognitions by a sensorially endowed entity; (X) POSSESSION: relationship in which a sensorially endowed entity is believed (or believes itself) to own and control an entity; (Y) INSTANCE: a member of a class inheriting all non-cancelled traits of the class; (Z) SPECIFICATION: relationship between a superclass and a subclass, with a statement of the narrower traits of the latter; (Aa) QUANTITY: a concept of number, extent, scale, or measure; (Bb) MODALITY: a concept of necessity, probability, possibility, permissibility, obligation, or of their opposites; (Cc) SIGNIFICANCE: a symbolic meaning assigned to an entity; (Dd) VALUE: assignment of the worth of an entity in terms of other entities; (Ee) EQUIVALENCE: equality, sameness, correspondence, and the like; (Ff) OPPOSITION: the converse of equivalence; (Gg) CO-REFERENCE: relationship where different expressions activate the same text-world entity (or configuration of entities); (Hh) RECURRENCE: the relation where the same expression reactivates a concept, but not necessarily with the same reference to an entity, or with the same sense (de Beaugrande and Dressler (1981), pp. 59–60).
- 42.
See also Giuffrè and Scibetta (2014).
- 43.
See, among others, Segre (1983), p. 331.
- 44.
I have dealt with his position in Giuffrè (2011b).
- 45.
On Philology and its fundamentals, see Giuffrè (2016).
References
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Giuffrè, M. (2017). The Procedural Approach to a Text. In: Text Linguistics and Classical Studies. UNIPA Springer Series. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-47931-6_3
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