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The Europeanisation of Vocational Education and Training

Part of the book series: Contributions to Political Science ((CPS))

Abstract

The chapter introduces the topic of the book and presents the main argument. Subsequently, the theoretical framework for this study is presented: The main assumptions of the Varieties of Capitalism approach and its perspective on skills, training and Europeanisation are discussed as well as related contributions from the comparative political economy literature. This perspective is then complemented by a short summary of the Europeanisation literature. On the basis of this literature review, the research framework and the research methodology of this book are laid out.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Annual average unemployment rate for the age group below 25, 2015, Eurostat. See Annex III for detailed data on youth unemployment rates in European countries between 2005 and 2015.

  2. 2.

    Annual average unemployment rate for the age group below 25, 2015, Eurostat. See Annex III.

  3. 3.

    This study defines Vocational Education and Training as those programmes providing initial training at the upper secondary level. Following Cedefop (2008: 19), VET can take place (a) within the school system or vocational schools, (b) in the form of apprenticeships or work-based learning, and (c) in special programmes.

  4. 4.

    Kremer is the former president of the Federal Institute for Vocational Education and Training, and with this statement he summarised the way the Copenhagen process was discussed in Germany. His own view as well as the debate in general will be analysed in Chap. 3.

  5. 5.

    Institutions are defined as “a set of rules, formal or informal, that actors generally follow, whether for normative, cognitive, or material reasons, and organisations as durable entities with formally recognised members, whose rules also contribute to the institutions of the political economy” (Hall and Soskice 2001: 9).

  6. 6.

    Jakobi et al. (2010) provide an overview on the study of education in political science. Busemeyer and Trampusch (2011a) review the policy field from the perspective of comparative political science.

  7. 7.

    Becker (1964: 1) regards those investments as investments in human capital that “improve skills, knowledge, or health (…)”.

  8. 8.

    For an overview see Thelen (2004: 13–15).

  9. 9.

    “Specific” and “co-specific assets” are defined as “assets that cannot readily be turned to another purpose and assets whose returns depend heavily on the active cooperation to others” (Hall and Soskice 2001: 17). “Switchable assets” are defined as “assets whose value can be realized if diverted to other purposes” (ibid).

  10. 10.

    Busemeyer (2009a) argues that portability of skills is not only dependent on the specificity of skills. He argues that portability also relies on the degree of authoritative skill certification.

  11. 11.

    Thelen’s (2004: 17–19) argument goes as follows: In skill formation systems, apprentices share parts of the costs for training by accepting lower wages for a certain amount of time—even though towards the end of the training period they are already very well-educated and have a higher productivity than their wage. Therefore, skill formation systems need a “credible commitment” (Thelen 2004: 18) between employees and employers. Employees need to be sure that their skills pay off—whether in the form of long-term employment or by good opportunities to find adequate employment on the external labour market. Employers need to be sure that the apprentice stays long enough to capture some of the return at the end of the training. Skill certification provides a solution because it guarantees a certain quality of training (the percentage of apprentices that pass exams) and apprentices need to stay long enough to have their skills certified, which only then enables them to search for high-skilled jobs on the external labour market.

  12. 12.

    Based on the cases of Austria and Switzerland, Culpepper (2007) argues that whether a country’s skills system is more general or specific depends on which employer group dominates the employers’ camp.

  13. 13.

    Busemeyer and Trampusch (2011b: 5) distinguish four such lines of conflict: the way the provision of VET is divided between state, employers, and the individual; the way it is financed; the way firm autonomy and public oversight are organised; and the relationship between VET and other strands of the educational system.

  14. 14.

    In short, the early industrial period was decisive: During this time, “the absence of class conflict over skills was necessary for the survival of strong plant-based training, and the presence of such conflict was sufficient to undermine it” (Culpepper and Thelen 2008: 29). Furthermore, the state is a key actor as a facilitator of coordination and also plays a decisive role in shaping the coalitions that support the different skill regimes. The organisational form and the role of union are shown to be less decisive historically for the formation of cross-national differences among skill regimes (Thelen 2004; Culpepper and Thelen 2008).

  15. 15.

    Italics as in original.

  16. 16.

    Europeanisation is defined as the impact of the EU on polices, polity and politics of member states or neighbouring countries and accession states (Bulmer 2007: 47; Bulmer and Lequesne 2005: 11).

  17. 17.

    Original: “(…) die der Sicherung der Marktkonformität vormals souveräner Nationalstaaten dient”.

  18. 18.

    There are, however, methodological difficulties in analysing decision-making in the Council since negotiations take place behind closed doors and decision-making is largely consensual (Naurin and Wallace 2008).

  19. 19.

    The notion of ‘fit’ has been conceptualised as ‘misfit’ by Börzel (2005), as ‘mismatch’ by Héritier (1996), and as ‘goodness to fit’ (Risse et al. 2001).

  20. 20.

    Falkner et al. (2007) also find robust support for the hypothesis of institutional decision-making constraints, according to which factors such as federalism, veto players, and the effective number of parties influence compliance with EU directives. Effects hold for the ‘goodness-to-fit’ and ‘institutional decision-making’ hypotheses. The two hypotheses ‘interministerial co-ordination’ and ‘culture’ (referring to conflict resolution, democracy, common norms, and rule of law) also show robust effects, but have less explanatory power due to a small N (ibid).

  21. 21.

    Angelova et al. (2012) provide a research synthesis on compliance.

  22. 22.

    Moreover, socialisation approaches identified two further mediating factors: norm entrepreneurs and cooperative informal institutions. The strand of literature dealing with institutional adaptation has identified coercion, imitation and normative pressure, competitive selection, and framing as mediating factors (Börzel 2005).

  23. 23.

    Börzel (2005: 62) conceptualises the two-level game as follows: Actors on the national level pressure the government to push for policies fitting the own interest. Member states on the other hand pursue policies following domestic pressures and interests on the European level. Büchs (2008) adjusts Putnam’s (1988) two-level game to the legally non-binding OMC and argues that governments—and non-governmental actors—can use the EU level selectively by applying “invited dutifulness”. According to this strategy, they pressure for policies at the European level that then serve as a reason or legitimisation for reforms on the domestic level.

  24. 24.

    See Chalmers and Lodge (2003) for a pessimistic and Trubek and Trubek (2005) for an optimistic view.

  25. 25.

    Börzel confirms the usefulness of the ‘goodness to fit’ approach for soft law policy areas, arguing that EU integration “may equally challenge domestic institutions, policies, and processes inducing processes” (Börzel 2005: 51). In contrast, other scholars (Bulmer 2007: 52–53; Menz 2005: 6) render the ‘misfit’ approach not ‘appropriate’ for use in soft law areas. Furthermore, critics state that the misfit approach underestimates the multi-faceted nature of EU policy-making (for an overview see Bulmer 2007: 52–53).

  26. 26.

    Büchs (2008) furthermore identifies ‘mimicking’ as a way the OMC can have an impact on member states.

  27. 27.

    They define diffusion as “a process through which ideas, normative standards, or—in our case—policies and institutions spread across time and space” (Börzel and Risse 2011: 5).

  28. 28.

    Börzel and Risse (2011) distinguish between direct influence mechanisms, in which policies or institutions are diffused by active promotion from an agent to a receiving actor, and indirect influence mechanisms. Here, actors search for ‘best practice’ solutions to a given problem. Heinze (2013) distinguishes learning, socialisation, externalities and common response. While the first two mechanisms broadly follow known concepts, the externalities approach refers to a policy transfer that is based on most competitive policies or countries. According to the common response mechanism, countries independently choose similar policies when facing similar challenges.

  29. 29.

    See Chap. 3 for the German case, in which Trampusch’s argument and my empirical observations are discussed in more detail. Thelen and Busemeyer (2008) come to similar conclusions on the actors’ constellation.

  30. 30.

    In a similar vein and against the background of the VoC framework, Graf (2009) argues that the internationalisation of universities impacts British and German universities differently—and that the mode of coordination of the respective higher education system is the reason for such diverging outputs to a common input.

  31. 31.

    They reviewed their clustering after the EU enlargement and added a fourth type (Falkner and Treib 2008).

  32. 32.

    For a case study on the UK (instead of England) four distinct case studies would have been necessary. In the UK, in a range of policy fields power has been devolved to three devolved governments: Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. De jure, the UK is a unitary state, since devolved powers are ultimately in the hands of the central government, which has the power to alter or abolish legislation concerning devolution. England does not have a devolved parliament and is governed by the government of the UK and legislated by the House of Commons.2008).

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  1. Hertie School of Governance, Berlin, Germany

    Christine Ante

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Ante, C. (2016). Introduction. In: The Europeanisation of Vocational Education and Training. Contributions to Political Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41570-3_1

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