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Risk and Trust in Institutions That Regulate Strategic Technological Innovations: Challenges for a Socially Legitimate Risk Analysis

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New Perspectives on Technology, Values, and Ethics

Part of the book series: Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science ((BSPS,volume 315))

Abstract

This chapter examines the challenges facing regulatory institutions in Europe concerning risk analysis of strategic technological innovations and the legitimacy issues these challenges raise. The author argues that dynamics of trust and distrust between publics and regulatory institutions respond to legitimate challenges that affect the principles and capabilities of institutional risk analysis. These challenges are analyzed in three models for the understanding of trust: the competence model, the cultural model and the relational model. Each of these models refers to a specific challenge that institutional risk analysis in our societies has to overcome if it is to be accepted as legitimate: an epistemological challenge, an axiological challenge and a reflexive challenge. These challenges are illustrated mostly in the light of the controversial regulation of transgenic plants in Europe.

The author goes on to argue that risk governance measures such as the adoption of precautionary policies and the promotion of public participation exercises, designed to resolve and avoid both the challenges and the partial deficit of legitimacy affecting regulatory institutions and technological developments, are severely conditioned by the strategic socio-economic imperatives that guide scientific-technological innovations and regulatory policies. The European promotion and regulation of nanotechnology is used to illustrate the constraints that severely limit institutional capacity and willingness to develop alternative and potentially more legitimate techno-industrial safety scenarios.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The assumption that societal reactions against scientific-technological progress are the result of irrational appraisals of risk continues to pervade more contemporary institutional responses to these attitudes. For instance, public reticence in Europe about accepting transgenic food was considered by the then European Commissioner for Health and Consumer Protection David Byrne as something “inconsistent if not completely irrational,” Byrne (2003), 2.

  2. 2.

    Critical public perceptions and attitudes to technological developments have been traditionally considered cognitively wrong, or failed, representations, and also as intentionally impartial, or “symbolic,” risk appraisals. For instance, antinuclear groups have often been said to use the debate on the risks of nuclear power “as a surrogate for larger policy questions about desired life-styles, political structure (…), and institutional power,” where “evidence about actual impacts is almost meaningless for the actors, but is still a desired resource to mobilize support” (Renn 1992, 191). But the political significance and meaning of the risks of progress is not merely symbolic-conventional; as I have already said, risk is a constitutive characteristic of modern techno-industrial societies and, therefore, its relation with the socio-political dimension is not conventional, but meaningful (e.g. Beck 1986 [1992]).

  3. 3.

    This does not mean that trust in expert institutions can be reduced completely to a state of faith. Trust must also be based on the appropriation of the processes through which risk is socialized and becomes acceptable: regulatory measures, experiences of previous adequate operation, educational processes that socialize the respect toward science and technology, etc. (Giddens 1990, 35, 88–92).

  4. 4.

    A Bt crop is one that expresses proteins with insecticide properties produced by the bacteria Bacillus thuringiensis (Bt). See, for instance: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, “EPA’s Regulation of Bacillus thuringiensis (Bt) Crops,” 735-F-02-013 (May 2002), www.epa.gov/oppbppd1/biopesticides/pips/regofbtcrops.htm (Accessed on February 27, 2012).

  5. 5.

    D. Butler 2010, “A new dawn for transgenic crops in Europe?”, Nature News (March 9, 2010, doi:10.1038/news.2010.112), www.nature.com/news/2010/100309/full/news.2010.112.html (Accessed on February 27, 2012).

  6. 6.

    The countries are Austria, Hungary, Greece, France, Luxembourg, Italy, Germany, Bulgaria and Poland. See: Greenpeace Poland, “Genetically modified crops illegal – Government launches bans,” in: F. Kreiss (Occupy Monsanto), Poland is the Most Recent Country to Ban GMO Cultivation (January 19, 2013), www.occupymonsanto360.org/2013/01/19/poland-is-the-most-recent-country-to-ban-gmo-cultivation (Accessed on March 29, 2013).

  7. 7.

    The French experts claimed evidence of the following environmental risks of MON 810: (i) the environmental dissemination, contamination and persistence of Bt toxin, (ii) the appearance of resistance strains in target pests, and (iii) the development of toxic traces in non-target fauna (Comité de préfiguration d’une haute autorité sur les organismes génétiquement modifiés 2008, 1–2).

  8. 8.

    The French ban on the cultivation of the MON 810 was overturned by the country’s top court in November 2011 on the basis that it was not sufficiently justified, but the Government reinstated the ban in March 2012. See: S. de La Hamaide (Reuters), “France restores ban on GMO maize crops” (March 16, 2012), www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/16/us-france-gmo-idUSBRE82F16I20120316 (Accessed on March 19, 2013).

  9. 9.

    They are “salient” because the set of values linked to a given individual is not fixed but can vary according to the shift of meanings of the circumstances that are being valued. Douglas and Wildavsky’s proposal, where individuals are subsumed under a characteristic set of values that monopolize their opinions, is thus diluted here (Siegrist et al. 2000, 355).

  10. 10.

    Siegrist et al. (2007) distinguish between trust based on facts (confidence) and trust based on values (trust). In their opinion, institutional strategies that try to obtain public legitimacy only through confidence are doomed to fail.

  11. 11.

    The new, stricter regulations were Directive 2001/18/EC from 2001 (The European Parliament and the Council of the European Union 2001), which repealed the previous Directive 90/220/EEC, and the Regulations 1829/2003 (The European Parliament and the Council of the European Union 2003a) and 1830/2003 (The European Parliament and the Council of the European Union 2003b), both from 2003.

  12. 12.

    However, many supermarkets continue to refrain from adding genetically modified ingredients to their brand products. For example, most distribution chains in Spain follow this policy. Moreover, a large number of producers have renounced the use of transgenic organisms in their products (Greenpeace 2012).

  13. 13.

    The subordination of publics to expert institutions can conceal public unrest and mistrust toward them: due to this dependence on institutions, publics act “as if” they trust institutions, although in fact they do not. This circumstance highlights, according to this model, the socio-relational and ambivalent character of the relations between science and the publics (Wynne 1996a, 40–42, b, 50–52, 65, 68). In this sense, the adequacy of calling “trust” a forced expectation could be denied. It has been argued that in this case we should talk about “compliance” rather than “trust” (Möllering 2006, 119). However, we will assume, as Wynne does, that it is correct to talk of “trust” under circumstances of social coercion in regard to what the relational model of trust reveals: the latent mistrust hidden under an apparent public legitimacy.

  14. 14.

    Introgression is the movement of genes from one species to another or among sub-species that have been geographically isolated. See: C. Maynard 1996, “Forest Genetics Glossary” (State University of New York College of Environmental Science and Forestry), www.esf.edu/for/maynard/GENE_GLOSSERY.html (Accessed on March 19, 2013).

  15. 15.

    Market analysts foresee a world market for nanotechnology worth between €750.000 million and €2 billion and the creation of 10 million nanotechnology-related jobs — 10 % of all manufacturing jobs worldwide — by 2015. See: European Commission-Nanotechnology: “Why are nanotechnologies important for the economy, industry and job creation?” (FAQs about Nanotechology): http://ec.europa.eu/nanotechnology/faq/faqs.cfm?lg=en&pg=faq&sub=details&idfaq=28821 (Accessed on March 24, 2013).

  16. 16.

    The behavior of a chemical in a nanoparticle form cannot be extrapolated from the behavior of the same material at a larger scale. The toxicity of nanomaterials is related to physical properties occurring only at molecular and atomic sizes. For example, being so small, nanoparticles are picked up by the human body and other organisms more easily than larger particles, and are able to penetrate through biological barriers inside the organisms more readily. Also, nanoparticles have a bigger surface-area-to-volume ratio than larger particles, which increases their surface energy and catalytic capacity and, in consequence, their toxicity. For thorough studies of the principles of nanotoxicology, see: Oberdörster (2010); Oberdörster et al. (2005).

  17. 17.

    As the political body in the European Union that directly represents the interests of European citizens, the European Parliament is the institution within the EU showing the greatest sensitivity to consumer and environmental safety concerning nanotechnology R&D (e.g. The European Parliament 2009)

  18. 18.

    In similar terms, and more recently, the European Commission, in the context of the Seventh Framework Programme for R&D, called for research on new forms of communication and social dialogue, in order to facilitate the “responsible social acceptance of nanotechnology” (European Commission 2009, 9).

  19. 19.

    Participatory exercises like the analytic-deliberative model are not binding—i.e., policymakers are not obliged to implement, or follow, public opinions on technological options and risks. This non-binding character of citizen deliberation has been typically justified in terms of the emotional and prejudiced character of the public opinions about science and technology (e.g. Rowe and Frewer 2000, 15). As currently argued, though, this non-binding character is better understood in terms of the socio-economic pervasiveness of certain techno-industrial developments and trajectories.

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Acknowledgments

This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (grants FFI2011-24414 and FFI2012-33550), and the Basque Government’s Department of Education, Language Policy and Culture (grant IT644-13).

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Correspondence to Hannot Rodríguez .

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Rodríguez, H. (2015). Risk and Trust in Institutions That Regulate Strategic Technological Innovations: Challenges for a Socially Legitimate Risk Analysis. In: Gonzalez, W. (eds) New Perspectives on Technology, Values, and Ethics. Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, vol 315. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21870-0_8

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