Abstract
Research “sticks” to some scholars in personal ways—in ways that suggest that even if the scholars were not incented for doing so, they would still figure out a way to contribute to law enforcement in the backstage, popular culture and the code of the street, stylized scripts and stop and frisk, violence interruption, or pulling levers. In my case, my anthropology has been shaped by a strong interest in the role of affect (emotions) and crime, not to mention emotional reactions by the criminal justice system itself. My work situates itself contrary to the self-interested, coldly rational actor responding to calculations of risk and reward; instead, my efforts have coalesced around the “hot and the wet” (my term, imperfect but useful), or how matters such as humiliation, shame, and rage condition defiance and criminal behavior, and how, conversely, desires for reconciliation and repentance afford softer avenues of understanding. A study assessing the emotional makeup of condemned inmates’ final statements (“final words”) is highlighted.
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Notes
- 1.
It’s wonderful to reflect on Owen Rice’s time patrolling Harlem, a decade with no discharges of firearm and 2 babies delivered by my late father, each baby now roughly 45. One of these babies was named after my father but given the name Otis, a by-product of his mother’s unfamiliarity with the Irish name Owen. Otis, here’s to soft policing.
- 2.
When my wife and I lived in NYC, one night we went to Agave, our favorite Mexican restaurant. While in transit from the subway station to the said restaurant, a gentleman approached and inquired about our willingness to contribute. Being experienced New Yorkers, this was no big deal—panhandling is a reality. But then within seconds, the gentleman touched me: first on the shoulder, and then more obliquely. My wife, being more in touch on such matters, extricated us from the situation with a strong tug and an NYC “places to be” comportment.
I ask you, criminologists, where are the theoretical insights in this vignette? What if I’d met my wife at the restaurant instead, sans the benefit of her extrication? What if it were 12 a.m. instead of 7 p.m., incorporating the <interaction term> of Agave margarita(s), altering the microsocial environment? Do routine activities keep up with this moment-by-moment panorama?
- 3.
In “Social Science Palooza IV” (7/2014), Brooks demonstrates an appreciation for social science but also remarks that “Most social science confirms the blindingly obvious.” While an exploration of Brooks’ comment is best suited for another day, I’ll draw attention to the fact that at the time of this writing (July, 2014), the American Society of Criminology fails to include a Division of Public Criminology (or some division with that explicit mandate). Further, at the time of this writing, the editorial board of ASC’s most “applied” journal, Criminology & Public Policy, features editors and an editorial board drawn almost without exception from the ranks of academia. While better understanding scholars’ “pre-do’s,” “do’s,” and “post-do’s” is important, so too are considerations of selection effects—of conversations which are so constricted by organizational/disciplinary norms so as to render the conversation club-like.
- 4.
The homicide survivor attendance measure was treated as a proxy because we lacked execution-by-execution measures of when victim witnesses were in attendance post-1/96. In the aggregate, however, homicide survivors attended approximately 80% of executions in Texas after 1/96, to include a high of 91% in 2004.
- 5.
“Yes sir, I would like to say to all of you—the Thornton family and Jerry Dean’s family that I am so sorry. I hope God will give you peace with this. Baby, I love you. Ron, give Peggy a hug for me. Everybody has been so good to me. I love all of you very much. I am going to be face-to-face with Jesus now. Warden Baggett, thank all of you so much. You have been so good to me. I love all of you very much. I will see you all when you get there. I will wait for you.”
- 6.
Social psychology suggests that avoidance may represent a transgression-relevant response (angry individuals may avoid contact and withdraw). However, for this research question, one should probably use care in tying social psychology to stony silence. In its own way, silence may be a form of non-articulated defiance; that is, the inmate chooses not to validate the ceremony.
- 7.
We employed a conservative standard. If we were unable to definitively link a statement of sorrow/desire for forgiveness with a homicide survivor (e.g., as opposed to generalized society), we referred to AP or UPI news wires to compare the homicide survivor names to the content of the narrative. If a clear link between inmate and survivor could not be made, a statement was coded 0.
- 8.
Detailed statistics can be found in the article. Some statements included more than one emotive within themselves (e.g., capital punishment illegitimate + legal proceeding unfair).
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Rice, S.K. (2015). Getting Emotional. In: Maltz, M., Rice, S. (eds) Envisioning Criminology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15868-6_9
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