Abstract
Ordinary regionalization processes, which occur without a (strong) sense of distinctiveness and with various levels of regional authority, raise two main questions, explored in this introductory chapter: do regional governments have any capacity for autonomous policymaking? If they have any, do regional policies diverge? In presenting these issues, the book positions itself within existing research. It considers in particular that policymaking in ordinary regions cannot be fully explained by formal institutions (including scope of policy responsibilities, financial autonomy and central state-regions relations), sometimes concealing political dynamics which go on in the shadows and go beyond the regions’ formal policy scope. In addition, the book suggests that even in the absence of regional identity, regional policymakers’ strategies drive policymaking. These strategies include electoral and institution-building considerations.
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Notes
- 1.
During the referendum of 18 September 2014, the ‘no’ vote narrowly won. The debate was relaunched after the referendum of 23 June 2016 on the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union.
- 2.
The law on the new regional organization of the Republic (NOTRe) was passed on 7 August 2015 and the number of regions fell from 22 to 13. Since this book covers a period that preceded this reform, it refers to the 22 regional councils that were then in place.
- 3.
In this book, mentions of “territorial (in)equality” describe actors’ own framing of policy issues, instruments or outcomes.
- 4.
This functionalist explanation also does not hold up against the literature devoted to the construction of public problems, which precisely documents the disjunction between the objective characteristics of the problem and policymaking.
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
See Chap. 4.
- 8.
Except for educational planning, over which the federal government and regions had formally shared jurisdiction from 1969 to 2008.
- 9.
The empirical study considered the intervention of the European Union (EU) and national and regional actors’ usages of the EU. In the educational area, the discussion has primarily focused on mutual recognition of degrees in the context of a common market. However, no European trace was visible in regional policymaking in the period covered by this book.
- 10.
Historically, the centralization of institutions and political power was very high (Ozouf, 1988). But following the decentralization laws of 1982–1983, a new regional level of government was established. Regional governments became fully-fledged subnational governments, including an assembly elected by universal suffrage. Since the 2003 constitutional reform, France’s territorial organization has been recognized as that of a “decentralized Republic”.
- 11.
Germany was one of the first European countries to adopt a federal structure. Since its national unification under the domination of Prussia in 1871, and excluding the period of national-socialist dictatorship, the country has always featured federal institutions.
- 12.
With the 1969 reform, the federal government acquired powers over higher education, research, and professional training. One of the shared competences stipulated in articles 91a and 91b of the fundamental law covers the expansion and construction of universities. A planning body was established after the reform of 1969. Furthermore, as part of the 1969 constitutional reform, the Bund acquired competences under concurrent legislation supporting scientific research and with regard to formulating framework laws in higher education under certain conditions. Finally, since the 1969 reform, the Bund has shared responsibility with the Länder over the professional part of the dual professional training system and the regulation of financial aid for education (Ausbildungsbeihilfen).
- 13.
Article 14 of the law of 22 July 1983.
- 14.
The transfer of competences also affected private secondary schools under contract with the Ministry of Education. Regional governments are in charge of their material operations. Agricultural education was also part of decentralization laws. General and technical agricultural high schools (lycées d’enseignement général et technique agricoles—LEGTA), professional agricultural high schools (lycées professionnels agricoles—LPA), agricultural professional training and promotion centres (centres de formation professionnelle et de promotion agricoles—CFPPA) and apprentice training centres (centres de formation des apprentis—CFA) were placed under the authority of regional councils and that of the ministry of Agriculture field services.
- 15.
- 16.
In 1972, regional public institutions (Etablissements publics régionaux—EPR) were created. Their role was mainly consultative, and they were involved in a limited number of policy areas. The EPRs reported on economic and regional development, issued advice on the choice and consistency of public investments, and contributed to funding public infrastructure. But they had limited financial resources. Yet, the EPRs contributed to the progressive formulation of regional interest. Furthermore, thanks to their members, who were mayors of big cities, deputies and senators, EPRs gained some form of legitimacy.
- 17.
For reasons tied to the availability of budgetary data, overseas regions and Corsica are not included.
- 18.
See Chap. 2.
- 19.
Table 2.6 for a presentation.
- 20.
See the complete list in the appendix.
- 21.
Regular Regional Audit Courts’ investigations provide a likely explanation.
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Dupuy, C. (2020). Regional Policymaking and Policy Divergence. In: Converging Regional Education Policy in France and Germany. Comparative Territorial Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-40834-3_1
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