Abstract
This chapter discusses the negotiations that led to the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). The treaty includes provisions on potential testsite inspections. The authors show that focality and salience played a role at multiple levels in the negotiations concerning inspections. Many of the positions initially put forth by parties to the negotiations were salient. Moreover, as negotiations progressed, two of these acquired particular prominence: a simple majority (50%) and two-thirds majority. In the end, the number agreed upon was the middle between these two solutions, a principle that in itself can be seen as a focal point solution that respects the moral plausibility of the outcome.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Salience is used here to denote the known conspicuity of an outcome or proposal, focality stands for a unique conspicuity that is common knowledge.
- 3.
- 4.
Hansen (2006: 13).
- 5.
Whether the nuclear non-proliferation regime should be considered a success story is open for debate, depending on whether one chooses to highlight the many countries that currently use atomic energy without developing nuclear weapons, or to emphasize the fact that there is a small number of countries that nonetheless acquired nuclear weapons in spite of it.
- 6.
Hansen (2006: 85).
- 7.
On Russia’s changing rationales for concluding the CTBT, see Fenenko (2014).
- 8.
- 9.
On the Western ‘red light’ position, see Hansen (2006: 41).
- 10.
On verification of tests by member states, see Hansen (2006: 36).
- 11.
Hansen (2006: 41).
- 12.
- 13.
Hansen (2006: 93).
- 14.
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
- 18.
- 19.
- 20.
- 21.
On the potential ambiguity of seismic signals, see Hopmann (2014: 55).
- 22.
The CTBT text prohibits “nuclear weapon test explosions or any other nuclear explosion” (Hansen 2006: 26). However, it remains vague what that exactly means. Is an explosion that involves (fissile) nuclear material, but is not caused by a nuclear chain reaction, contained in the category ‘any other nuclear explosion’?
- 23.
For those who believe that in such a case clearly no OSI is called for, assume that Iran conducted the test. And if an OSI would be called for in the case of Iran, why not for the US or others? Are CTBT member states not juridical equals?
- 24.
- 25.
See McIntosh (2014).
- 26.
- 27.
See the chapter by Sinisa Vuković on Montenegrin independence negotiations in this volume.
- 28.
See Chapter 2 in this book.
- 29.
- 30.
See Kreps (1990: 131).
- 31.
See Binmore (2007: 473, 482).
- 32.
Young (2006).
- 33.
- 34.
- 35.
- 36.
See Thompson (2001: 52).
- 37.
See Hansen (2006: 39).
- 38.
See Möller (2014).
- 39.
However, it should also be noted that one of the crucial reasons for the compromise no longer applied when these stakeholders had to decide whether to ratify the treaty or not: at that time, the prospect of tying India to the outcome was no longer present.
- 40.
For the terminological distinction between salience and focality in the present context, see Chapter 2.
- 41.
See the Chapter by Brown and Zartman in this book.
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Melamud, M., Schuessler, R. (2019). CTBT Negotiations and the Split-the-Difference Principle. In: Schuessler, R., van der Rijt, JW. (eds) Focal Points in Negotiation. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27901-1_6
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