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Structuralists, Structures, and Economic Development

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The chapter provides an overview of the structuralist approaches to economic development. It starts with a review of the contributions of the early structuralists, distinguishing between the European-US strand and the Latin American strand. Next, it describes newer structuralist approaches, that is, formal structuralist macroeconomics, CEPAL neo-structuralism, new structuralism based on technology studies, new developmentalism, and new structural economics, and the closely related approaches of development traps. Following that, it examines the main theoretical ideas of the structuralists, distinguishing between three elements. First, it explains their organizing principles of analysis, which starts with structures of systems rather than with individual units. Second, it discusses how they view the world in terms of the structure of the global economy, structural differences between development and developing countries, and different structures of different developing economies. Third, it discusses the meanings they attach to economic development, emphasizing both growth and distribution. This is followed by a discussion of policies advocated by the structuralists who, in general, take into account the specific structuralist characteristics of particular countries rather than following a one-size-fits-all approach, recommend active state intervention in a flexible manner that promotes the synergy between the state, markets, and society, and address macroeconomic and sectoral issues in addition to microeconomic ones. In terms of specific policies for the contemporary world, it discusses: trade and industrial policies, especially those that seek to develop technological capability and technological upgrading by moving into new sectors; monetary, fiscal, financial and exchange rate policies that promote economic growth and external competitiveness, dampen cycles, and avoid instability; and policies specially aimed at reducing poverty and inequality. It concludes with brief comments on the strengths and possible problems of the approaches and how the latter can be overcome.

I am grateful to Machiko Nissanke and Jose Antonio Ocampo for their useful comments on the style and content of this chapter.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This is related to what Hirschman (1981) referred to as the denial of the monoeconomics claim, a claim according to which all economies can be examined using the same approach since they are similar.

  2. 2.

    Sanchez-Ancochea (2007) refers to them as Anglo-Saxon versus Latin American structuralism in development economics. Some discussions focus on the Latin American version (Palma 1987; Blankenburg et al. 2008) while others focused on the European-US version (Arndt 1985).

  3. 3.

    This is the Spanish acronym for Economic Commission of Latin America (ECLA) which later incorporated the Caribbean countries and became ECLAC.

  4. 4.

    There need not be a high-level equilibrium, since the curve need not cross the horizontal axis after \( {x}_C \), so that \( x \) increases indefinitely.

  5. 5.

    Furtado actually distances his approach which “stressed the importance of noneconomic parameters in macroeconomic models … [such as] … the landownership system, the control of firms, the composition of the labor force, so on” and how they evolved historically (see Boianovsky 2015), from that of “the French structuralist school, which was based on static social analysis and resulted in the formulation of a ‘syntax’ of disparities in social organizations” (Furtado 1987, 209–10). However, he glosses over the fact that some of his own analysis follows this holistic/structural approach and overemphasizes Levi-Strauss’s synchronic approach to structuralism in social anthropology in which structures are arguably more stable, than on the combination of synchronic and diachronic approaches (which takes into account how structures change over time) as in Saussure’s linguistics and Lacan’s psychology.

  6. 6.

    However, they emphasize other organizing principles, such as, for institutionalists, the idea that institutions “matter”, presumably interpreting some structural characteristic as institutions, and, for Marxists, that class struggle determines the distribution of income between classes, which then affects economic growth.

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Dutt, A.K. (2019). Structuralists, Structures, and Economic Development. In: Nissanke, M., Ocampo, J.A. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Development Economics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14000-7_4

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