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Environmental and Trade Regimes: Comparison of Hypergraphs Modeling the Ratifications of UN Multilateral Treaties

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Law, Public Policies and Complex Systems: Networks in Action

Part of the book series: Law, Governance and Technology Series ((LGTS,volume 42))

Abstract

In analyzing the ratifications of Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) and United Nations-based trade agreements, this study pursues two goals: first, to provide evidence of the limitations of the role played by the United Nations in promoting sustainable development as a bridge between both regimes, although member states are roughly the same; second, on a methodological side, to contribute to the exploration of the use of hypergraphs to model a dynamic in International Relations, as illustrated by analyzing empirical data easily accessible and available on the web. We use 3550 ratification dates of MEAs (1979–2015) and 834 ratifications of trade agreements (1963–2014) available on the website of the United Nations Treaty Collection. The hypergraph-based analysis of the temporal successions of ratifications highlights informal communities of countries whose contours emerge through this uncoordinated process of ratification. The European countries and more specifically members of the European Union, and their Atlantic allies stand out as having the leadership of the construction of a global environmental order. However, no formally established community of countries emerges from the chronology of ratification of the United Nations trade agreements. In this particular UN context, none of the contemporary trade powers is even central to this dynamic. Indeed, most trade negotiations take place outside the United Nations arena, particularly in the framework of the World Trade Organization, or in regional, bilateral, or even minilateral partnerships.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Regional treaties concern restricted communities of States.

  2. 2.

    The European Union is the most successful political arrangement and the only one that covers the commercial and environmental agendas. The Triad composed by Washington, Brussels and Tokyo was only an informal arrangement to reinforce the emergence of Japan in the 1980s. NAFTA is the result of Washington’s leadership on Toronto and Mexico. The TTP and the TTIP are both mega accords that suffered heavily with Donald Trump’s trade policy since 2016. The G7 is the group of the most industrialized countries united to drive the global economy outside the UN framework. BRICS is the informal group of emerging countries—Brazil, Federation of Russia, India, China, South Africa—under Chinese leadership. The two latter are more economic than trade-oriented, but they do foster intra-group trade.

  3. 3.

    According to Krasner (1983), p. 141, it is “sets of implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge, in a variety of areas of international relations.”

  4. 4.

    The WTO is not part of the United Nations, but relations between the two organizations have been governed since 1995 by the “Arrangements for Effective Cooperation with Other Intergovernmental Organizations”.

  5. 5.

    The debate on international regimes took shape around the 1970s. Using functional, strategic, and organizational arguments, Keohane and Victor (2010) described a regime complex as “a loosely coupled set of specific regimes”.

  6. 6.

    According to the neoliberal and institutional research in International Relations, neo-realists, like Susan Strange (1998), prefer to describe the power structure as material.

  7. 7.

    Including Goal 9 which deals with sustainable and inclusive industrialization.

  8. 8.

    https://www.unenvironment.org/ Accessed 9 Feb 2018.

  9. 9.

    CITES: https://cites.org/eng/disc/text.php Accessed 9 Feb 2018.

  10. 10.

    https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/index.php?menu=1225 Accessed 9 Feb 2018.

  11. 11.

    Cartagena Protocol, adopted on 29 January 2000 and entered into force on 11 September 2003: http://bch.cbd.int/protocol/ Accessed 9 Feb 2018.

  12. 12.

    Last WTO round of negotiations began in 2001, the Doha Development Program aimed to reduce trade barriers and facilitate the expansion of world trade.

  13. 13.

    https://ec.europa.eu/clima/policies/international/negotiations/paris_fr Accessed 9 Feb 2018.

  14. 14.

    The exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union voted in 2016.

  15. 15.

    https://treaties.un.org/pages/Treaties.aspx?id=27%26subid=A%26lang=en Accessed 9 Feb 2018.

  16. 16.

    There is a directed link from agreement A1 to agreement A2 if A2 is the first agreement ratified after agreement A1 by a same country.

  17. 17.

    There is a directed link from country C2 to country C1 if C2 is the first country after C1 to have ratified the same MEA.

  18. 18.

    We describe as “stable” the informal communities presented here in the sense that the list of countries that each one of them contains is found whatever the algorithm used.

  19. 19.

    Indeed, none of the other formal communities (economic, political, strategic, security, …)—ASEAN, BRICs, African Union, MERCOSUR, …—appear in any of the countries communities induced by the history of ratifications.

  20. 20.

    The choice in the convention of the sign in the definition of B has no effect in this approach, indeed if \( \tilde{B} \) the matrix built with the converse convention we have \( \tilde{B}=-B\kern0.28em \mathrm{and}\kern0.28em {\tilde{B}}^T\overset{\sim }{B}={B}^TB \).

  21. 21.

    See the website of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization http://otca.info/portal/ Accessed 9 Feb 2018.

  22. 22.

    A more detailed analysis will have to take into account the appearance and the disappearance of States and to establish the comparisons of graphs over the same time period.

  23. 23.

    A research track to explore in political science would be to compare whether left-dominated parliaments vote on environmental treaties more quickly and those dominated by the liberal right, on the contrary, make trade treaties a priority. This is beyond our analytical objective and would only be useful in some countries, but probably not for the political regimes of China and Russia. Moreover, the left / right divide is no longer as clear as in the last century in the West.

  24. 24.

    The carbon tax for commercial aviation is an interesting case of failure of this type of strategy (EU-ETS).

  25. 25.

    United Nations Conference on Trade and Environment and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. UNIDO, for example, is now using the platform “Inclusive and Sustainable Industrial Development”. See https://isid.unido.org/index.html. Accessed 9 Feb 2018.

  26. 26.

    Brazil, South Africa, India, China.

  27. 27.

    See, for example, the One Planet Summit held in Paris on December 12, 2017.

  28. 28.

    Certainly, the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) outside the UN framework is a central factor in understanding the governance of global trade. But the ratifications analyzed are those of the UN for the sake of comparing two initiatives within the same system, the UN.

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Acknowledgments

Ana Flávia Barros-Platiau wishes to thank the agency CAPES (Programas Estratégicos—DRI, call 43/2013) of the Ministry of Education in Brazil and the CIRCULEX project, founded by ANR (French National Agency for Research). Pierre Mazzega conducts this research as part of the project GEMA «Gouvernance Environnementale: Modélisation et Analyse» founded by CNRS (French National Center for Scientific Research) through the program Défi interdisciplinaire: «InFIniti» Interfaces Interdisciplinaires Numérique et Théorique.

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Boulet, R., Barros-Platiau, A.F., Mazzega, P. (2019). Environmental and Trade Regimes: Comparison of Hypergraphs Modeling the Ratifications of UN Multilateral Treaties. In: Boulet, R., Lajaunie, C., Mazzega, P. (eds) Law, Public Policies and Complex Systems: Networks in Action. Law, Governance and Technology Series, vol 42. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11506-7_11

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