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Ethical Liberal Values vs. the Soviet Political and Administrative Heritage from the 1980s to the Present

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Dimensions and Challenges of Russian Liberalism

Part of the book series: Philosophy and Politics - Critical Explorations ((PPCE,volume 8))

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Abstract

The subject of this chapter is the ethical and sociological aspects of events during perestroika and after. At that time, Russia reached the zenith of liberal ethical values, of romantic hopes and expectations and public demands for justice and the accountability of public authorities. Unfortunately, substantial underestimation of the importance of non-economic factors—especially moral ones—in the reform process resulted in a moral crisis, general disappointment in liberalism and other substantive negative consequences. Acquisition of intellectual and political liberties coincided with a catastrophic economic crisis and the imposition of urgent and necessary measures that were very hard on the population. These measures saved the country from economic collapse but for high political cost, because they were associated (wrongly, as it happens) in mass consciousness with the liberal concept as such. The borders of tolerance toward material impoverishment for the benefit of political freedom were crossed. Also, the paradox of double, contradictory treatment of liberalism in both Soviet intellectual and bureaucratic circles is analyzed in this context. The continuity of former Soviet administrative personnel engendered moral anomy, an identity crisis and alienation among them because inherited officials proved to be unprepared both morally and professionally for work under conditions of transition from socialism to a market-oriented system. This promoted the growth of systemic corruption. The public trust toward the state and public officials have been broken. Moreover, public trust in democratic institutions in general and even a very belief in the possibility of honest government have been undermined then. Despite this, we can find in the contemporary situation a certain ground for optimism. This is based on the revival of demands for social justice and unwillingness to tolerate its absence any longer. Public political protest is considered in this context as a natural and positive element of social activity and political participation, and as a pre-condition for the existence of civil society. In addition, the revival of liberal values in such a form, intuitively sometimes, such as the evolution of horizontal connections and parallel structures in different areas of social life, efforts of people to become maximally independent from state bureaucracy, is the subject of final pages of the chapter.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Lenin’s famous phrase about the bourgeois intellectuals—“Na dele eto ne mozg [natsii], a govno”—appeared in a letter sent on September 15, 1919 to Maksim Gorky. See Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Polnoye sobraniye sochineniy, izd. 5-ye, Tom 51 (Moskva: Izdatel’stvo politicheskoy literatury, 1970), p. 48.

  2. 2.

    George Orwell, Nineteen Eighty-Four. A novel (London: Secker & Warburg, 1949).

  3. 3.

    See: Alexander Obolonsky, “Why it is So Difficult to Reform Russian Officialdom?” in Don K. Rowney and Eugene Huskey (eds.), Russian Bureaucracy and the State, Officialdom from Alexander III to Vladimir Putin (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 301–316; Alexander Obolonskii and Aleksey Barabashev, “How to Clean Out the Augean Stable of Our Bureaucracy”, Russian Politics and Law 52, no. 2, 2014, pp. 78–79; Alexander V. Obolonsky, “The Crisis of the Bureaucratic State and the Failed Attempts to Overcome it in the Russian Public Service”, Croatian and Comparative Public Administration 17, no. 4, 2018, pp. 569–591.

  4. 4.

    Olga Kryshtanovskaya, “Transformatsiia Staroi Nomenklaturyv Novuiu Rossiiskuiu Elitu”, Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost’ 1, 1995, p. 65.

  5. 5.

    Olga Savvateeva, O tekh, kto nami pravit, Izvestiya, 10 January 1995.

  6. 6.

    For a more detailed consideration of this phenomenon, see Alexander Obolonsky, “Tsinism i romantism kak factory politicheskoy shizni: Ukraina i Rossiya”, Agora 15, Kiiv, 2015. This article compares the moral grounds of political protests in Russia and Ukraine in recent years, within the framework of two extremes—cynicism and romanticism—analyzing the concept of political cynicism and its evolution. In some cases, the author applies poetic images and analogies to examine the Russian political consciousness as an illness characterized by post-totalitarian syndromes. He also looks at the producers and consumers of various concepts, including legitimization of immorality, demonstrative brutality of pro-power conformist “activists” (titushek), syndromes of a “small” and lonely person, anomia of value systems, etc. The author believes that the success of the Revolution of Dignity depended on the appeal to higher human needs; to the “upgrading” adaptation—as opposed to the “downgrading” adaptation that is predominant in present-day Russian officialdom and which is, to a large extent, supported by a considerable number of intellectuals. The moral duty of intellectuals in both countries is to de-legitimize political cynicism and to assist in moving the political “pendulum” toward rationalism. The author believes that the events of 2014 in Ukraine were an attempt to break away from conservatism toward a future model of an open society.

  7. 7.

    Aleksander Obolonsky, Etika Publichnoy sfery i real’nosti politicheskoy zhizni (Moskva: Mysl’. 2016), pp. 71–78.

  8. 8.

    Dmitry Travin, “Pochemu ichshut osoby put’… kotorogo net”, in Alexander Obolonsky (ed.), “Osoby put’” strany. Mify i real’nost’ (Moskva: Mysl’ and Liberal Mission, Foundation, 2018), pp. 55–120.

  9. 9.

    Some promised signs of partial concession in this case appeared during the 2018 presidential campaign, in the form of permission to establish a small memorial desk at the house of Nemtsov. This was thanks to the efforts of many civil activists. However, it did not produce any real changes in the general position and treatment of the authorities regarding this case.

  10. 10.

    The Putin re-election campaign of 2018 is a special question beyond of this topic.

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Correspondence to Alexander V. Obolonsky .

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Obolonsky, A.V. (2019). Ethical Liberal Values vs. the Soviet Political and Administrative Heritage from the 1980s to the Present. In: Cucciolla, R.M. (eds) Dimensions and Challenges of Russian Liberalism. Philosophy and Politics - Critical Explorations, vol 8. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05784-8_9

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