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Paradoxes and By-Products of Liberal Reforms in Russia

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Dimensions and Challenges of Russian Liberalism

Part of the book series: Philosophy and Politics - Critical Explorations ((PPCE,volume 8))

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Abstract

As Solzhenitsyn asserted, for Russia the twentieth century was time wasted in a dead-end communist experiment. Yet the period between 1985 and 2000 was one of great change and hope that the twenty-first century would be decidedly different. Gorbachev’s perestroika and the subsequent liberal reforms were meant to lead the country to a competitive market economy and a free political system, and to herald its acceptance within the community of democratic states. But these objectives were never achieved, and the transition period ended as unexpectedly as it had begun. The country’s development has thus assumed the shape of a parabolic curve: from the original, Soviet authoritarian political order towards more open, liberal government and then back to a new authoritarian system meet the challenges of modernity. In charting how and why this happened, this chapter addresses the following questions. Why have those forces that appeared so suddenly but initiated a clear and powerful reform movement yielded to authoritarian reaction? Why has Russia found itself severely isolated internationally? Why does the established authority appear to be (and probably is) a simple reflection of the enduring nature of Russian society? Why when this movement appeared so strong are their no remaining “signs of life”. Finally, despite the apparent stability of the current regime, how sustainable, in fact, is the current order?

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See A. B. Veber, V. T. Loginov, G. S. Ostroumov, A. S. Chernyayev (eds.), Soyuz mozhno bylo sokhranit’. Belaya kniga: Dokumenty i fakty o politike M.S. Gorbacheva po reformirovaniyu i sokhraneniyu mnogonatsional’nogo gosudarstva (Moskva: Gorbachev Fond-AST, 2007).

  2. 2.

    Anatoly Chernyayev, Sovmestnyy iskhod. Dnevnik dvukh epokh 1972–1991 gody (Moskva: ROSSPEN, 2008), pp. 878–879, 900–914.

  3. 3.

    Mikhail Gorbachev, Zhizn’ i reformy (Moskva: Novosti, 1995), pp. 582–623; Veber et al., “Soyuz mozhno bylo sokhranit’“, pp. 395–507.

  4. 4.

    Friedrich Schiller’s 1783 drama Fiesco or, the Genoese Conspiracy is available at the webpage (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/6783/6783-h/6783-h.htm).

  5. 5.

    Viktor Sheynis, Vlast’ i zakon. Politika i konstitutsii v Rossii v XX–XXI vekakh (Moskva: Mysl’, 2014), p. 448.

  6. 6.

    Adam Michnik echoing this thought of Dahrendorf (“Economic reforms will always lead through a valley of tears”) wrote: “To get better, first it must get worse […] It is hard to say how long the way through this valley will take, but certainly longer than the first parliament’s term”. Adam Mikhnik, Doroga cherez dolinu slez – Revolyutsii i reformy v stranakh Tsentral’noy i Yugo-Vostochnoy Yevropy. Dvadtsat’ let spustya (Moskva: ROSSPEN, 2011), p. 23.

  7. 7.

    Grigoriy Yavlinskiy, Periferiynyy avtoritarizm. Kak i kuda prishla Rossiya (Moskva: Medium, 2015), pp. 29–45, 59–72, 73–86.

  8. 8.

    Aleksandr Valentinovich Obolonskiy, Krizis Byurokraticheskogo Gosudarstva. Reformy gosudarstvennoy sluzhby: mezhdunarodnyy opyt i rossiyskiye realii (Moskva: Fond ‘Liberal’naya missiya,’ 2011), pp. 8, 20.

  9. 9.

    Sheynis , “Vlast’ I Zakon”, pp. 847–852,881–891; Viktor Sheynis, “Konstitutsionnyy sud v politiko-pravovoy sisteme Rossiyskogo gosudarstva”, Vestnik obshchestvennogo mneniya. Dannyye. Analiz. Diskussii, no. 1–2, 2016, pp. 15–32.

  10. 10.

    Yu. Schastlivtseva, “Sud v Strasburge: k teraktam nel’zya primenyat’ zakony voyny”, Neprikosnovennyy zapas. Debaty o politike i kul’ture, no. 4, 2017, pp. 27–37.

  11. 11.

    Boris Yeltsin, Prezidentskiy marafon. Razmyshleniya, vospominaniya, vpechatleniya (Moskva: AST, 2000), pp. 306–315.

  12. 12.

    Gavriil Popov, Reformy Borisa Yel’tsina. Sozdaniye rossiyskogo nomenklaturno-oligarkhicheskogo postindustrializma (Moskva: Mezhdunarodnyy universitet v Moskve, 2012), pp. 631–632, 720–725.

  13. 13.

    Yeltsin , “Prezidentskiy marafon”, p. 423.

  14. 14.

    Olga Kryshtanovskaya, Anatomiya rossiyskoy elity (Moskva: Zakharov, 2005), pp. 20–21, 262–264, 269–270.

  15. 15.

    See Viktor Sheynis, “Miroporyadok posle kavkazskoy voyny. (Konstatatsii i fantazii na mekhdunarodnyye temy)”, Mirovkaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnyye otnosheniya, no. 5, 2010, pp. 11–17; Viktor Sheynis. “Mezhvybornyy politicheskiy tsikl v Rossii 2011–2016 godov”, Neprikosnovennyy zapas. Debaty o politike i kul’ture, no. 6, 2016, pp. 38–49.

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Sheynis, V. (2019). Paradoxes and By-Products of Liberal Reforms in Russia. In: Cucciolla, R.M. (eds) Dimensions and Challenges of Russian Liberalism. Philosophy and Politics - Critical Explorations, vol 8. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05784-8_8

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