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Religious Ritual, Injustice, and Resistance: Praying Politically in Israel/Palestine

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Interreligious Relations and the Negotiation of Ritual Boundaries

Part of the book series: Interreligious Studies in Theory and Practice ((INSTTP))

Abstract

In interfaith meetings in Israel/Palestine, joint symbols and rituals are often included as one of the unifying elements in the common struggle toward coexistence and peace. Such practices are in line with what scholars have identified as areas of transformative potential in interreligious encounters. However, in this contested area, both Palestinians and Israelis also choose prayer as a weapon in their political conflict. Given the religious and political intersections of the conflict especially in Jerusalem, religious acts can thus function as political performances and are acts of contestation rather than conflict transformation, an area of research that has yet to receive scholarly attention.

In this chapter, I analyze Muslim prayer on the streets of Jerusalem especially when Muslims were denied entry to the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount and (forbidden) prayers of Jews on this site sacred to both religions. Working from a cultural studies perspective, I argue that such prayers, while religious rituals, are first and foremost political statements against what both groups consider injustices. Palestinians, while praying, are performing belonging and acts of resistance to the Israeli occupation and the power it has over their lives, including the limitation of religious freedom. Right-wing religious Israelis, who refuse to comply with the ban against non-Muslim rituals on what they consider the holiest site of Judaism, are directing their prayers against both Muslims and their own government that upholds the status quo that gives the Islamic waqf authority on the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif. Both scenarios, through the inclusion of prayer, are interritual, interreligious encounters, rather than solely political statements. But unlike rituals performed in encounters dedicated to dialogue and conflict resolution, these prayers are not transformative in the sense of bringing people together but contrastive and oppositional. In a final step, I examine Pope Francis’ 2014 prayer at the Israeli West Bank Barrier in Bethlehem, which had significant media impact on the representation of the conflict. All three examples of interritual events highlight the need to consider local political contexts of interreligious encounters.

This chapter has been published within the framework of the Hessian Ministry for Science and Art funded LOEWE research hub ‘Religious Positioning: Modalities and Constellations in Jewish, Christian and Muslim Contexts’ at the Goethe University Frankfurt and the Justus Liebig University Giessen. I also want to thank some people for insights that helped me think through the question of political prayers in Israel/Palestine: Dareen Ammouri, Louise Bethlehem, Haia Dakwar, Bacem Dziri, Daniel Feldman, Osama Iliwat, Ariela Jayosi, Ilana Kurshan, Lucy Nusseibeh, Joaquín Paniello Peiró, Natasha Rowland, and my students at the Program in Cultural Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    To acknowledge both narratives about the compound, I will use the names interchangeably, depending on what group I discuss.

  2. 2.

    The perpetrators, two Palestinians with Israeli citizenship, fled into the compound where Israeli forces later killed them.

  3. 3.

    Especially thinkers and practitioners working from a religious studies or theological perspective have made a point of contemplating about the place of interreligious dialogue within the quest for peace in Israel Palestine. Their work highlights the importance of considering the conflict as interreligious rather than just national struggle (cf. Abu-Nimer et al. 2007; Gopin 2002; Kronish 2017; Wilkes 2006).

  4. 4.

    While within Israel’s boundaries, the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount is administered by the Jerusalem Islamic waqf, a charitable trust that remained under Jordanian control even after the 1967 war. Access to the compound, however, is controlled by Israel. The status quo of separate worship where Muslims pray on the Mount and Jews at the Western Wall was introduced by the Ottomans and maintained for more than 500 years. In 1967, the Israelis took over the Moghrabi Gate next to the Western Wall, but the Jordanian arrangements have otherwise been left untouched.

  5. 5.

    The numbers of Christian Palestinians in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza are small (approximately 2%, 1–2.5%, and >1%, respectively), but they form a more significant part of those who hold Jerusalem ID cards (5%). In the importance of the compound, we see one element of the intertwinement of religious and national aspects within the conflict: If Muslim Palestinians were looking for a purely religious symbol, the much better choice would be Al-Aqsa Mosque, which, unlike the Dome of the Rock, is mentioned in the Qur’an.

  6. 6.

    The Haram al-Sharif, as a sacred Muslim site, is also important for Muslims worldwide. Any potential threat to it has a much wider impact than just on the Palestinian population.

  7. 7.

    A Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) opinion poll, released in December 2014, after a particularly difficult year in Jerusalem, found that 86% of Palestinians believe that the Haram al-Sharif is “in grave danger.” Fifty-six percent think that Israel intends to destroy the Muslim shrines and build a Jewish Temple, while 21% believe that Israel will divide the compound and build a synagogue (2014).

  8. 8.

    http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/jerusalem-christian-muslims-pray-temple-mount-aal-asqa-mosque-religion-tensions-faith-islam-a7857591.html accessed October 2, 2017; http://edition.cnn.com/2017/07/23/middleeast/jerusalem-christian-man-prays-muslims/index.html accessed October 2, 2017.

  9. 9.

    Stone throwing is a problematic issue in the consideration of protest forms. Most Palestinians deem the practice symbolic and non-violent since it is usually employed against highly armed forces and their vehicles, thus showing the disparity in power and force used. Israel, however, considers it a criminal and potentially lethal practice, with a maximum penalty of a 20-year prison sentence.

  10. 10.

    Interestingly, the first Intifada, or Palestinian uprising (1987–1993), espoused primarily nonlethal community action through, for instance, mass strikes and boycotts of Israeli products, in addition to protests and stone throwing. The signing of the Oslo Accords (1993/5) proved that mass civil disobedience was successful in the Palestinian struggle.

  11. 11.

    For an introduction to such groups, see Dumper (2002), Gorenberg (2000), and Sprinzak (1991).

  12. 12.

    https://www.timesofisrael.com/mks-propose-law-allowing-jews-to-pray-at-temple-mount/ accessed October 2, 2017.

  13. 13.

    https://twitter.com/IsraelHatzolah/status/886833266300514304/photo/1 accessed August 18, 2017; https://www.facebook.com/sesquipadalionoco/videos/10209756090803667/ accessed August 18, 2017.

  14. 14.

    Jewish nuptials secretly performed on the Temple Mount constitute another recent example where ritual efficacy is even more at stake. In April 2017, the ‘Temple Mount Faithful’ group reported that a wedding had been performed, but it was the wedding of Tom Nisani, head of ‘Students for the Temple Mount’ and activities director of the political far right group Im Tirtzu (an Israeli NGO engaged in the Zionist cause and in “unmasking and exposing various threats to Zionism and Israel” (https://imti.org.il/en/about-us/movement/) whose controversial activities led a Jerusalem Court to rule that the organisation bears similarities to fascist groups), and his co-activist Sara Lu which really drew attention. Nisani and Lu’s hurried ceremony, recorded with a handheld camera, was posted on Facebook and drew tens of thousands of views (https://www.facebook.com/22738684968/videos/10150867914844969/ accessed September 24, 2017). Here, ritual efficacy was reached in the sense that the couple is officially married, but the attention received seems to be an important issue, once again suggesting that the efficacy of these rituals is not just their religious but very much their political aspect.

  15. 15.

    In UNESCO terminology it is referred to by its Arabic name and Muslim reality, the Bilal bin-Rabah Mosque.

  16. 16.

    It is significant to remember that Pope Francis is a liberation theologian from Latin America. In his pontificate, unlike his predecessor Benedict, for instance, he is known for symbolic acts, not grand theological statements. Such acts, like washing the feet of asylum seekers, are always political, however.

  17. 17.

    http://mondoweiss.net/2014/05/palestinian-refugees-separation/ accessed August 2, 2017.

  18. 18.

    http://interfaith-encounter.org/

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Fischer, N. (2019). Religious Ritual, Injustice, and Resistance: Praying Politically in Israel/Palestine. In: Moyaert, M. (eds) Interreligious Relations and the Negotiation of Ritual Boundaries. Interreligious Studies in Theory and Practice. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05701-5_4

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