Abstract
By the end of the 1740s the existence of the moon’s secular acceleration was widely accepted among astronomers. The magnitude of the acceleration, however, remained unknown, excepting William Whiston’s rushed and unjustified claim that it caused of correction to the time of an eclipse in the past, which increases at rate of 1 minute in 54 years. Between 1749 and 1757 three attempts were made to determine the magnitude of the moon’s secular acceleration by Richard Dunthorne, Tobais Mayer, and Jérôme Lalande after which attention shifted to trying to account for the acceleration theoretically. Dunthorne, Mayer and Lalande’s study of the moon’s secular acceleration relied upon the interpretation and exploitation of ancient astronomical records. How to interpret ancient astronomical observations and which sources of ancient records could be relied upon had been a controversial issue since the Renaissance and would require Dunthorne, Mayer, and Lalande to make decisions that would have a direct impact upon their estimates of the size of the secular acceleration.
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Notes
- 1.
Riccioli published a similar catalogue in his Astronomia reformata of 1665, vol. 2, pp. 95–104 and 143–147, but mistakenly changed the dates of the eclipses of al-Battānī.
- 2.
Toomer (1996), p. 48.
- 3.
See Sivin (2011) for a discussion of the imperial significance of the calendar in China and details of the 1644 reform.
- 4.
Hsia (2008).
- 5.
A general overview of sixteenth- to eighteenth-century works on the history of science is given in Zhmud (2006), pp. 1–10. See also Goulding (2006), Popper (2006), and Swerdlow (1993).
- 6.
An English translation of Flamsteed’s historical preface is given in Chapman and Johnson (1982), which also includes a discussion of the writing of the preface and its purpose.
- 7.
On the publication history of the Historia Coelestis Britannica, see Chapman and Johnson (1982), pp. 8–14.
- 8.
These attacks included the quite scandalous statement that “Flamsteed had now enjoyed the title of Astronomer Royal for nearly 30 years but still nothing had yet emerged from the Observatory to justify all the equipment and expense, so that he seemed, so far, only to have worked for himself or at any rate for a few of his friends…” (translation by Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 191). Although Flamsteed, who had had to pay for most of the Observatory’s instruments out of his own (frequently in arrears) salary, had published few of his observations he had sent a substantial number to Newton.
- 9.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 1.
- 10.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 6.
- 11.
To conclude the preface, Flamsteed wrote a detailed account of his battles with Newton over the publication of his work, but this section was omitted from the published edition. The text was eventually printed in Francis Baily’s An Account of the Rev. John Flamsteed (1835). See also Chapman and Johnson (1982), pp. 160–180.
- 12.
Weidler, Historia Astronomiae, p. 178.
- 13.
For biographical details, see Young (2004). Heathcote’s own account of his life is published in Nichols (1812), vol. III, pp. 531–540, with further biographical details by Nichols on pp. 540–544.
- 14.
Nichols (1812), p. 535. Roger Long in his Astronomy, p. 648 described Heathcote’s book as “an ingenious performance”.
- 15.
For biographical details, see McConnell (2004) and the anonymous memoir in The Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. 75 (1805), pp. 305–307.
- 16.
Costard, A Letter Concerning the Rise and Progress of Astronomy, pp. 1–2.
- 17.
Costard, “A Letter … concerning the Chinese Chronology and Astronomy”, p. 477.
- 18.
Costard, “Translation of a Passage in Ebn Younes”.
- 19.
Cited by Peiffer (2002), p. 6, from whom I quote the translation.
- 20.
Estève, Histoire Generale et Particuliere de l’Astronomie, pp. iii–v.
- 21.
Burke (1997), pp. 12–13 and 16–21.
- 22.
Laudan (1993), pp. 5–6.
- 23.
Estève, Histoire Generale et Particuliere de l’Astronomie, p. xi.
- 24.
Estève, Histoire Generale et Particuliere de l’Astronomie, p. 240. This error, along with several more, is pointed out by Montucla, Histoire des Mathematiques, pp. xxiii–xxiv.
- 25.
Estève, Histoire Generale et Particuliere de l’Astronomie, pp. 289–290; see Finocchiaro (2007), p. 113.
- 26.
An expanded second edition of the Histoire des Mathematiques, completed after Montucla’s death by Lalande (with help from Lacroix and others), appeared in four volumes in 1799–1802.
- 27.
Montucla, Histoire des Mathematiques, pp. xxvi–xxviii; see also Swerdlow (1993), p. 302.
- 28.
Montucla, Histoire des Mathematiques, p. iii.
- 29.
For biographical details, see Sarton (1936) and Crépel and Coste (2005).
- 30.
Pallis (1956), pp. 43–44, Ooghe (2007), Reade (2008).
- 31.
Reade (1999).
- 32.
On the image of Babylon in European thought, see Lundquist (1995).
- 33.
On the portrayal of Semiramis throughout history, see Asher-Greve (2006).
- 34.
Lundquist (1995).
- 35.
Herodotus 1.181.
- 36.
Diodorus Siculus, 2.9.4; translation by Llewellyn-Jones and Robson (2010), p. 122. We have no evidence in support of Ctesias’s claim that the Babylonians made observations from on top of the ziggurat; indeed, given what is known about the function of ziggurats, such a use is highly unlikely.
- 37.
Minkowski (1991), Wegener (1995), Albrecht (1999), Seymour (2008).
- 38.
See, for example, Grafton (1997), Popper (2006), Goulding (2010).
- 39.
Josephus, The Antiquities of the Jews, 2.69–2.71.
- 40.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, pp. 2–4.
- 41.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, p. 50.
- 42.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 30.
- 43.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), pp. 31–32.
- 44.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, pp. 22–23.
- 45.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, pp. 21–22.
- 46.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, p. 22.
- 47.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, p. 85.
- 48.
Costard, A Further Account of the Rise and Progress of Astronomy, p. 3.
- 49.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, pp. 51–52.
- 50.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, pp. 88–89.
- 51.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, pp. 94–95.
- 52.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 34.
- 53.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, pp. 129–130.
- 54.
Lamentably, this naïve assumption persists in many ill-informed histories of astronomy today, despite the efforts of historians working on non-Greek traditions of astronomy.
- 55.
Pedersen (1974), p. 21.
- 56.
Rutkin (2010).
- 57.
Derome (2000–2001), Fuchs (2009).
- 58.
Johnson (1937), p. 73.
- 59.
For biographical details, see Christianson (2000), pp. 313–319.
- 60.
Swerdlow (2010) provides a detailed study of Longomontanus’s analysis and use of the solar observations in the Almagest.
- 61.
Longomontanus, Astronomia Danica, II, p. 33. The translation quoted here is taken from Swerdlow (2010), p. 176.
- 62.
See Chap. 4 above for Struyck’s summary of Bullialdus’s analysis.
- 63.
Bullialdus, Astronomia Philolaica, p. 152.
- 64.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 46.
- 65.
Estève, Histoire Generale et Particuliere de l’Astronomie, pp. 194–196.
- 66.
On the role played by Hypatia in histories of science, see Goulding (2010).
- 67.
For a survey of Latin translations of Arabic astronomical works, see Carmody (1956).
- 68.
Russell (1994), Toomer (1996).
- 69.
Toomer (1996), pp. 48–49.
- 70.
Bodley MS Smith 45, p. 35; quoted by Mercier (1994), pp. 190–191.
- 71.
Costard, The Rise and Progress of Astronomy, p. 150.
- 72.
Estève, Histoire Generale et Particuliere de l’Astronomie, pp. 224–225.
- 73.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 54.
- 74.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 54.
- 75.
Euler, “Concerning the Gradual Approach of the Earth to the Sun”, p. 203.
- 76.
Kremer (1981).
- 77.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), pp. 54–55.
- 78.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 55.
- 79.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 59.
- 80.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 59.
- 81.
Chapman and Johnson (1982), p. 94.
- 82.
Estève, Histoire Generale et Particuliere de l’Astronomie, p. 251.
- 83.
Estève, Histoire Generale et Particuliere de l’Astronomie, p. 264.
- 84.
D’Elia (1960).
- 85.
Hsia (2009).
- 86.
For an English translation and study of the eclipse reports in the Chunqiu, see Stephenson and Yau (1992).
- 87.
On the writing of Observations Mathématiques, Astronomiques, Géorgraphiques, Chronologiques, et Physiques and Gaubil’s relations with Souciet, see Hsia (2009), pp. 121–128.
- 88.
Du Halde, The General History of China, v. 3, p. 80.
- 89.
Costard, “Concerning the Chinese Chronology and Astronomy”.
- 90.
Costard, “Concerning the Chinese Chronology and Astronomy”, p. 477.
- 91.
Costard, “Concerning the Chinese Chronology and Astronomy”, pp. 477–478.
- 92.
Costard, “Concerning the Chinese Chronology and Astronomy”, pp. 481–482.
- 93.
Costard, “Concerning the Chinese Chronology and Astronomy”, p. 483.
- 94.
Costard, “Concerning the Chinese Chronology and Astronomy”, p. 486.
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Steele, J.M. (2012). Eighteenth-Century Views of Ancient Astronomy. In: Ancient Astronomical Observations and the Study of the Moon’s Motion (1691-1757). Sources and Studies in the History of Mathematics and Physical Sciences. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-2149-8_5
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