This chapter offers a framework to analyse the ways in which transnational integration regimes (TIRs) shape the evolution of economic institutions in emerging democracies and in turn builds on the growing intersection of research between international and comparative political economies. The work on globalization has shifted from a focus on individual economic and political variables to an emphasis on distinct regional commercial, military or geopolitical arrangements shaping domestic institutions (Dezalay and Garth 2002; Djelic and Sahlin-Andersson 2006; Pastor 2001). Scholars of development have increasingly shifted attention away from an emphasis on rapid market liberalization towards the role of state and nonstate actors in building new institutions to help stabilize, legitimize and regulate domestic economic activity (Barth et al. 2006; Jordana and Levi-Faur 2005; Majone 1996; Rodrik et al. 2002).
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Notes
- 1.
This is not immediately apparent as scholars often speak about strong incentives and policy anchoring. But such incentive systems appear to work when the criteria are so clear that they are self-evident and the penalties are so strong that noncompliance appears impossible. Hence, hierarchical power, akin to the traditional notion of international hegemony, appears to be the key solution for change. One can see this in how Amsden (2007) understands the imposition of international economic models and when Schimmelfennig & Sedelmeier (2002, 2005) describe the force of EU incentives. See also Tovias & Ugur (2004).
- 2.
Labour rights violations range from incapacity (or unwillingness) to uphold labour’s right to establish and join union and worker organization, through murder or disappearance of union members or organizers to the state incapacity to uphold, or outright state action to prevent collective agreements. Overall points around 30 might be said to indicate the presence of public control over the rules of the game in the highly asymmetrical labour–business relations.
- 3.
See ‘Progress Reports and Enlargement Strategy Papers 1998–2003 of the European Commission’ http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/key_documents/index_archive_en.htm
- 4.
We do not enter here in the discussion of variation in the effects of EU conditionality across countries or policy domains. Here we just stress that EU is neither a homogeneous polity nor a regime of homogenizing: its effects might vary by policy sector, and these effects are mediated by diverse domestic conditions that might differ dramatically.
- 5.
We draw here on several sources. The relevant EU reports on these countries can be found at http://ec.europa.eu/agriculture/external/enlarge/publi/index_en.htm. See also, Garcia-Martinez et al. (2006), Gatzweiler et al. (2002), Mishev & Valcheva (2005) and Yakova (2005/2006).
- 6.
The commission’s conditionality on the way of introducing ‘partnership’ across the different levels of the state and between state and nonstate actors was the ‘soft’ part of the conditionality. On the other hand, issues of the administrative, management and monitoring capacities were nonnegotiable (Hughes et al, 2005).
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Bruszt, L., McDermott, G.A. (2009). Transnational Integration Regimes as Development Programmes. In: Bruszt, L., Holzhacker, R. (eds) The Transnationalization of Economies, States, and Civil Societies. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-89339-6_2
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