Abstract
The following section of the book describes coping strategies which are applied during drought and disaster to prevent starvation and the loss of livestock. The change in dietary habits is an important strategy which is applied early on to cope with famine (Halstead & O’Shea, 1989; Mink & Smith, 1989; Colson, 1979; de Garine & Harrison, 1988; Amborn, 1994; Watts, 1988). More animals are slaughtered than usual, food is shared more intensively, and/or everyday food is substituted by less preferred food. Herders all over the world react to drought conditions with increased sales of livestock. When milk supplies fall short, market bought cereals make up the major part of the daily food. Intensified spatial mobility is a distinct strategy of pastoral people to cope with a crisis “by taking advantage of the spatial and temporal structure of resource failure”(Halstead & O’Shea, 1989: 3). Diversification is necessary in order to exploit resources that are not affected by drought, epidemics or violence. Diversification in pastoral households ranges from multi-species herding to so-called “ten-cent-jobs” such as brewing, charcoal burning, and the sale of traditional medicine (see for example Browman, 1987; Odegi-Awuondo, 1990; Legge, 1989). However, coping strategies during a disaster are not only tied to the material world. Many ethnographers observed that during a crisis people look for explanations of the misery and hardship (Scoones, 1996; Mink & Smith, 1989; Colson, 1979). They try to reduce unpredictability by oracles and attempt to influence the course of events by rituals.
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Endnotes
In another publication (Bollig, 1992a:340) I argued that the constant talk about ngatkong (envy) and its dangers probably contributes to increased food distribution and the exchange of goods. Everybody is afraid of being accused of envy and stinginess; in order to prevent such accusations he/she will steer a course which satisfies the social world around.
DeGarine (1994:344) rightly warns not to solely rely on interview data when collecting ethnographic data on famine foods. Interview data provides insight into the knowledge of wild foods within a society but does not reveal reliable information on the actual use of these plants during a drought. However, for the following presentation of substituting foods that the Pokot make use of, I had to rely mainly on interviews. Many of the species mentioned, are if at all, only rarely used in the present day.
DeGarine (1994:346) points out the high nutritional value of Cyperus rotundus and gives 302 kcal/100gr as the mean energy content.
In 1943 a district official claimed “The Suk and Turkana are good neighbours now-a-days and both tribes agree to a considerable degree of interpenetration and help each other with grazing and water.” (Annual Report 1942 KNA DC BAR 1/3) and in 1943 the Annual Report said: “Relations between the Suk and Turkana appeared quite friendly ... At a big joint baraza at Karpeddo in November ... agreement was eventually reached and the Suk have allowed these particular Turkana herds to move into their territory until the rains break”. (Annual Report 1943 KNA DC BAR 1/3).
Similar observations are made in other marginal areas of East Africa. Odegi Awuondo (1990:83) reports on brewing, charcoaling, menial jobs in local restaurants among the Turkana; Hjort & Dahl (1991) reports that many Amar’ar Beja live on charcoaling after the loss of their herds, Kerner & Cook (1991) describe that beer brewing has become an important strategy to cope with low household budgets in northern Tanzania.
Timberlake (1987:101) gives three further identifications: Hibiscus aponeurus, Hibiscus micranthus, Triumfetta pentandra.
Timberlake (1987:88) gives Barleria eranthemoides, Dicoma tomentosa, Ecbolium revolutum as further identifications.
Timberlake (1987:90) gives Ocimum basilicum — a strong smelling tree — as further possible qualifications.
Timberlake (1987:92) gives Crassia edulis as a second possible identification.
Estermann (1981: 155) gives a short outline on how the okuvetisa is done in southern Angola.
Ribeiro, Cabrai, Ramiro C. 1948. O soba Chifunga, senhor das chuvas. Mens ário Administrativo. No. 6 Feb 1948: 29–30, contains a short account on this rainmaker.
Estermann (1981:135/136) described how the power to make rains was vested in the chief among the Nkumbi, a group closely related to the Ngambwe: “... the sacred and indispensable intermediary between God and the earth in need of rain is the chief or a member of his family. ... Among the Nkumbi there was also the belief that rain-making power was connected with the marrow of the shoulder and shin bone of the reigning chief. After the death of a chief they therefore would wait until the body decomposed so that they could separate the bones of the right arm and leg and extract the marrow from them. This, mixed with butter, afterwards served ... for anointing the body of the heir and transmitting the aforesaid power, so that he would be capable of producing the beneficial rainfall.”
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Bollig, M. (2006). Coping Strategies during Drought and Disaster. In: Risk Management in a Hazardous Environment. Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation, vol 2. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-27582-6_5
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