Skip to main content

An Outline of Pokot and Himba Societies: Environment, Political Economy and Cultural Beliefs

  • Chapter
Risk Management in a Hazardous Environment

Part of the book series: Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation ((STHE,volume 2))

  • 709 Accesses

Abstract

The nilotic speaking Pokot of northern Kenya (Rift Valley Province, Baringo District) and the Bantu speaking Himba of northern Namibia (Kaokoland, nowadays Kunene Region) are both pastoral nomadic peoples living on the fringe of young African states. To the traveller, the Himba and Pokot may look similar at first sight: both are exotic looking tribal people who adorn themselves with complex coiffures and wear colourful beads, they dwell in picturesque semi-arid environments, wear leather garments and live in traditional huts. However, despite the traditional appearance of both people colonialism has had a grave and lasting impact in both instances. In both regions herders mainly live off their livestock. While milk and meat is produced by the herds, maize is purchased through market sales of livestock or barter exchange. Decisions on production, distribution and consumption are taken at the household level while the management of communal resources (pastures, water) takes place on a neighbourhood level. The social organisation is shaped — although to very different degrees — by patrilineal and matrilineal descent groups and age-based groups. While chieftaincy among the Pokot is something alien and chiefs and their councillors are government personnel, Himba chiefs exert more authority and gain legitimacy both from local traditions and official acknowledgement. The religious system of the Himba is characterised by an ancestral cult whereas among the Pokot neither beliefs in ancestors nor in a divine being feature importantly.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 84.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 159.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 109.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Endnotes

  1. East Africanist historians usually have to rely on clan histories, in order to piece together tribal or regional histories. Histories of the Kikuyu (Muriuki, 1974) or the Giriama (Spear, 1978) and ethnographic descriptions of Rendille, Somali, Boran interactions (Schlee, 1989) rely on the comparative analysis of numerous descent-group related histories. Osogo (1970) describes the “clan history approach” as a basic principle for historical research in East Africa’s stateless societies.

    Google Scholar 

  2. Vansina (1985:180) discusses the relevance of age-set lists for the reconstruction of chronologies on a general level. Jacobs (1968) uses age-set lists for dating events and processes in Maasai history and Spencer uses similar lists for the writing of Samburu and Njemps history (Spencer, 1965, 1973, 1998).

    Google Scholar 

  3. This information is confirmed by Peristiany's (1954) report on the clan based social organisation of the Cheptulel Pokot.

    Google Scholar 

  4. Neighbouring groups such as the Karimojong, Turkana, Mursi and Dassanetch have the same custom of honorary scarifications (e.g. Almagor, 1979; Turton, 1979; Fukui 1979).

    Google Scholar 

  5. Kenya National Archives (KNA) DC BAR 1/3 Annual Report 1939 “Native Attitude towards Rehabilitation”.

    Google Scholar 

  6. KNA DC BAR 1/5: Annual Report for 1959.

    Google Scholar 

  7. The “cattle complex” stereotype has frequently been criticised. While Herskovitts (1926) was only saying that East African herders belonged to a complex of societies which stood out for the overall importance which they attributed to cattle in social transactions and rituals, later epigones used the concept as if the people themselves had a complex, i.e. a somewhat abnormal close relation to livestock. This “complex” was thought to be the cause of herders’ reluctance to sell cattle or to slaughter them for non-ritual reasons.

    Google Scholar 

  8. In this respect other Kalenjin groups are different. Among the Hill Pokot and Marakwet, circumcision-based initiations into the generation-set system take place approximately every seven years (see Peristiany, 1951; Kipkorir & Welbourn, 1973).

    Google Scholar 

  9. Van der Jagt’s (1989) study of Turkana religion is one of the few detailed accounts on the religion of East African pastoralists. In his detailed account he stresses ambiguity and vagueness in terms and concepts. Concepts like akuj (God) and ekipe (spirit) have many different layers of meaning. Van der Jagt sees the essence of Turkana beliefs embodied in communal rituals.

    Google Scholar 

  10. Edgerton (1971:117) emphasises the high status Pokot attribute to physical beauty. However, if physical beauty was the only thing a man had to offer he would be scorned and ridiculed. His personal pride should be accompanied by a dignified, generous and respectful behaviour (anisa nyo pö ötop).

    Google Scholar 

  11. Estermann (1981, see also Malan, 1974) lists several Otjiherero speaking groups living in the area: the Himba, the Ndimba, the Tjavikwa, the Hakaona, the Zemba, the Thwa and the Kuvale.

    Google Scholar 

  12. For Opuwo the following figures are given: Hot season/December: Mean Max. 34.1 Mean min. 14.9 Mean 24.5; Cold Season/June: 26.6, Mean Min 6.1 Mean 16.4, Mean Annual 21.5, Absolute max. 40.4, Absolute min. −4.0 (Malan & Owen-Smith, 1974).

    Google Scholar 

  13. For a critical summary of accounts on Herero origins see Bollig & Gewald 2000:8ff.

    Google Scholar 

  14. Anderson (1863:271) reported that the Herero of the Kaokoland had been wiped out by Oorlam raiders in 1863, as does another early traveller (anonymous 1878:309) who described Kaokoland as deserted.

    Google Scholar 

  15. After the elephant populations of central Namibia and the Kalahari had been erased by the 1860s and the Herero — Nama war had made regular trade impossible, major trading companies decided to resettle from Walfish Bay to Mossamedes (Siiskonen, 1990:136ff).

    Google Scholar 

  16. A spate of new research is currently being conducted in Kaokoland. An overview on tendencies in recent research is offered in the contributions of Warnlof, Wolputte, Crandall, Ohta and Miescher in Bollig & Gewald (2000).

    Google Scholar 

  17. Malan (1973:84) distinguishes seven major matriclans and for some of them distinguishes sublines: (1) Omukweyuva: (i) Omukweyuva Woyamuzi or Woktenda (ii) Omukweyuva Woyahawari (iii) Omukweyuva Woyapera (iv) Omukweyuva Woyamutati; (2) Omukwendjandje, (3) Omukwendata (i) Omukwendata wondjuwo onene, or Omukwendata wozongombe or Omukwaruvara (ii) Omukwendata wondjuwo okatiti, or Omukwatjitupa (4) Omukwenambura, (5) Omukwandongo or Omukwauti, (6) Omukwatjivi, (7) Omukwenatja.

    Google Scholar 

  18. The following example (cf. Malan 1973:94) lists the major taboos and symbols of one patri-clan, Ombongora: Nowadays people of the Ombongora clan live mainly in the area west and south of Etanga. Their favourite colour in cattle is ombongora. They do not keep black dogs. Horses of ekondo colour are forbidden. Their main families of ancestral cattle are Mbamba, Tjivandeka and Handura. They may eat all types of meat but do not eat the tissue covering the heart (oruamba). Furthermore, members of this lineage do not eat blood.

    Google Scholar 

  19. Estermann (1981:59) refers to a case where about 70 oxen were slaughtered for their skulls at a burial.

    Google Scholar 

  20. In ethnographic literature on the Herero several translations are given. Vedder (1928:165) and Estermann (1981:144ff) hold that only Ndjambi Karunga is the right term for the divine being and that Mukuru denotes a venerated ancestor. Amongst the Himba I found little differentiation between both terms. While the Himba from Angola used the term Njambi Karunga or Karunga, Kaokolanders preferred the term Mukuru.

    Google Scholar 

  21. In the volumes of Fukui & Turton (1979) and Fukui & Markakis (1994) several case studies are presented that describe the role of violent conflict on the emergence of distinct ethnic groups. The most intriguing examples are the Mursi and the Bodi described by David Turton and Katsuyoshi Fukui in both volumes. For both groups one could claim that war against their neighbours caused them to arise as distinct ethnic units.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2006 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Bollig, M. (2006). An Outline of Pokot and Himba Societies: Environment, Political Economy and Cultural Beliefs. In: Risk Management in a Hazardous Environment. Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation, vol 2. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-27582-6_2

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics