Abstract
This book centres around the comparison of hazards, risk perception and risk minimising strategies in two African pastoral societies, the Pokot of northern Kenya and the Himba of northern Namibia (see Map 1). Both societies were studied over several years of intensive field research between 1987 and 1999. The central questions guiding the comparative approach are: (1) How are hazards generated through environmental variation and degradation, through market failures, violent conflicts and marginalisation? (2) How do these hazards result in damage to single households or to individual actors and how does the damage vary within one society? (3) How are hazards perceived by the people affected? (4) How do actors of different wealth, status, age and gender try to minimise risks by delimiting the effect of damage during an on-going crisis and what kind of institutionalised measures do they design to insure themselves against hazards, preventing their occurrence or limiting their effects? (5) How is risk minimisation affected by cultural change and in how far is the quest for enhanced security itself a driving force of cultural evolution? Answering these questions in a comparative perspective should lead to generalising hypotheses on the dynamic interrelation of hazards, damage, risk-perception, risk-minimising strategies and buffering institutions in African pastoral societies.1
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Schweizer (1998) identifies the discovery and testing of hypotheses that are true for many cultures and societies as the basic aim of cross-cultural research. In an introduction to comparative methods in anthropology, he sees the construction of hypotheses as the main goal of comparisons with a limited number of cases, while cross-cultural comparisons with larger samples aim at the testing of hypotheses.
They list the following definitions: (a) risk as the probability of damage, (b) risk as the extent of damage, (c) risk as a function (usually the product) of probability and extent of damage, (d) risk as the variance of probability distribution of all possible outcomes of a decision, (e) risk as the semi-variance of the distribution of all negative outcomes with a definite point of reference, (f) risk as a weighed linear combination of the variance and the expected value of a distribution of all possible consequences (Jungermann & Slovic, 1993). (translation by the author)
Shipton (1990:358) defined famine as “severe shortage or inaccessibility of appropriate food (including water), along with related threats to survival, affecting major parts of a population.7rd
The term group is defined fairly conventionally as a number of people with some sort of common identity and with a definition of its borders (Douglas, 1978:8), while the concept grid is defined as “the cross-hatch of rules to which individuals are subject in the course of their interaction”. (Douglas, 1978:8).
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© 2006 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.
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Bollig, M. (2006). Studying Hazard and Risk in Pastoral Societies. In: Risk Management in a Hazardous Environment. Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation, vol 2. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-27582-6_1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-27582-6_1
Publisher Name: Springer, Boston, MA
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