Abstract
The chapter identifies different types of resistance against international institutions and global order. In particular, it distinguishes moderate resistance—opposition—from radical resistance—dissidence. Both types are considered strategic constructions embedded in an international system of power and rule. By drawing on critical International Relations theory, contentious politics, and norms research, the chapter then develops a framework for analysing resistance and change in world politics. It particularly identifies potential causes of successful dissidence. Normative settings in specific policy fields can play as much a role as the characteristics and strategies of states and non-state actors involved in conflicts about global order. Several case studies are introduced that can further substantiate such assumptions.
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Notes
- 1.
For Max Weber too, resistance is a definitional element of power. In a passage variously translated and expounded, he states: “Macht bedeutet jede Chance, innerhalb einer sozialen Beziehung den eigenen Willen auch gegen Widerstreben durchzusetzen” (“Power means any chance, within a social relationship, of imposing one’s will even in the face of resistance”—Weber 1972: 28). In contrast to power, however, Weberian rule—‘Herrschaft’—presupposes legitimacy and the consent of those who are ruled. It thus differs from the present study’s understanding of rule as domination, in which rule becomes manifest in relatively stable power relations, creating patterns of dominance and subordination that may involve coercion and the use of force (Daase and Deitelhoff 2014: 9). Legitimation of superordinates through the consent of subordinates may be an element of rule, but in our view is not a necessary criterion for it (Bially Mattern and Zarakol 2016).
- 2.
On foreign and security policy, opposition and government routinely agree on a common approach despite the role expectations, but such collaboration usually has to be explicitly justified (e.g. in terms of loyalty to the state).
- 3.
This ‘simple’ definition of success has a number of implications. First, not every change to a normative order counts as success: dissident actors are only deemed successful if the changes to the normative order reflect their normative preferences, that is, the core claim identified in the initial normative conflict. Unintended effects of dissidence are largely excluded from the analysis. Second, what actors themselves classify as success may differ from our definition of it: for some dissidents, gaining publicity or raising the stakes in negotiations may already count as major successes, even though their claims have not (yet) been accommodated in any way in the dominant order. This is particularly important, because—and this is the third point—dissidents are naturally disadvantaged as a result of the asymmetric power relations inherent in the existing order and the mere fact that they manage to maintain their resistance over time could thus be considered a success for dissidents and a ‘failure’ on the part of the order in question.
- 4.
It is not our aim to use our case studies to test out particular theories. Rather, we take a number of key findings from the theoretical work, adapt them to our purposes, and ultimately propose a number of amendments to them in light of our empirical analysis.
- 5.
All the actors discussed here face collective action challenges of some kind: civil society groups and other non-governmental formations have to mobilise individual activists and coordinate their activities, and state elites have to maintain a minimum of popular support. These are large-scale entities, but much of what is said here is also applicable to individuals—indeed is derived from research into individual behaviour (e.g. in the field of social psychology).
- 6.
Although technically all the observations that follow here apply equally to opponents and proponents of a dominant order, we describe them only in relation to dissidents—not just for the sake of readability, but for reasons of relevance: proponents of a dominant order have, after all, already shown they have the qualities in question by managing to establish an order in the first place.
- 7.
Classical realism sees influence and political power as being directly linked to material resources. Social movement theory, meanwhile, points to the fact that such resources are not a given and need to be mobilised and that other factors may compensate for limited resources when it comes to exerting political influence.
- 8.
By ‘external’ we mean not occurring in the course of the conflict under scrutiny. Events and developments of this kind are not the result of deliberate actions by one or more of the protagonists in the confrontation, but this does not necessarily mean they are not connected in any way to the policy field involved: The 9/11 attacks, for instance, though falling within the ambit of the conflict between Islamist forces and the West, can be considered external to the UN negotiations on the defamation of religion.
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Gertheiss, S., Herr, S. (2017). Approaching International Dissidence: Concepts, Cases, and Causes. In: Gertheiss, S., Herr, S., Wolf, K., Wunderlich, C. (eds) Resistance and Change in World Politics . Global Issues. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50445-2_1
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