Abstract
In high-mortality contexts, research examining the effects of child mortality has focused almost exclusively on couples’ fertility responses while overlooking other potential family consequences. Using nationally representative survey data from 13 West and Central African countries, we estimate multilevel discrete-time hazard models to determine how women’s risk of intimate partner violence (IPV) varies with the death of children. We assess heterogeneity in this association across two surrounding circumstances: children’s age at death and regional prevalence of child bereavement. Findings indicate that the risk of IPV initiation rises with the death of children under age 5—for whom women are most intensely responsible—but not with the death of older children. The effect of young child bereavement is most pronounced in regions where it is least prevalent among mothers—a finding not explained by concomitant regional variation in gender inequality, family norms, and infrastructural development. These findings highlight the importance of child mortality for family outcomes beyond fertility in the African context and demonstrate the prominent role of the broader mortality context in shaping these implications.
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Notes
To ensure that observations from no one country drive our conclusions, we conduct a jackknife analysis in which we omit all observations from a given country, one country at a time. The results remain similar in terms of magnitude, direction, and significance to those we present here.
Childless women are excluded because they are never at risk of child bereavement.
Because we estimate IPV initiation, women who experienced IPV onset before first birth are implicitly censored out of our analytic sample.
We perform two sets of supplementary analyses, wherein we (1) relax our sample restrictions and include these women and (2) tighten our sample restrictions and include only women whose lastborn child was born more than five years ago. The results from both supplements are substantively similar to those reported here.
We conduct three sensitivity tests related to our predictor. The first includes a time-varying indicator of infant loss (<1 year old) and a time-varying indicator of child loss (1 to <5 years old) in the same model. A post-estimation Wald test indicates that the two coefficients are not statistically distinguishable. The second tests time-varying indicators of son and daughter loss in the same model and again indicates no significant difference. The third examines a time-varying indicator of the cumulative number of child deaths, which yields substantively similar results to those presented here.
The DHS also asked questions about psychological violence. However, respondents were asked about the timing of IPV initiation only if they responded “yes” to at least one physical or sexual IPV question. Thus, our analysis of IPV initiation is restricted to the onset of physical or sexual violence specifically.
Child marriage is still practiced in some parts of West and Central Africa. As such, a small percentage of respondents partnered at very young ages, including 3.5% who partnered at ages 9, 10, and 11. One woman reported partnering at age 4; we bottom-code this outlying woman at age 9.
Age at first birth was self-reported. Only 0.04% of respondents reported that their first birth occurred at age 10 or 11 (n = 12).
We do not control for women’s participation in household decisions, attitudes toward IPV, or household wealth because these characteristics may be influenced by child bereavement. As a sensitivity test, we reestimate our models including these controls and find the results to be similar to those presented here.
Because we do not find that the effect of losing a child ≥5 years old varies significantly with its regional prevalence, we do not include additional interactions between losing a child ≥5 years old and the regional gender, family, or infrastructural context.
A post-estimation Wald test indicates that the effects of bereavement by a child <5 years old and bereavement by a child ≥5 years old at death do not significantly differ, despite being in the opposite direction. This lack of significant difference may be partly attributable to the relative rarity of losing an older child and/or to the greater selectivity of women who have been continuously married long enough to be at risk of losing an older child.
In a separate model, we test a three-way interaction among individual child bereavement (under age 5), regional prevalence of child bereavement (under age 5), and regional prevalence of IPV. We find the coefficient on this three-way interaction term to be nonsignificant.
Our primary analytic sample of mothers censors out those who experienced IPV initiation before first birth. Because this could downwardly bias our estimates here, we test additional models in which we include these women’s offspring. Results lead to substantively similar conclusions.
Because triplets and quadruplets are rare, they are included in the “twin” category.
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Acknowledgments
The authors are grateful to Julia Behrman, Monica Caudillo, Kelly Raley, Alex Weinreb, and Rob Crosnoe for their insightful comments on earlier iterations of this study. This research was supported by Grant P2CHD042849, awarded to the Population Research Center at The University of Texas at Austin by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.
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Weitzman, A., Smith-Greenaway, E. The Marital Implications of Bereavement: Child Death and Intimate Partner Violence in West and Central Africa. Demography 57, 347–371 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-019-00846-7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-019-00846-7