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The politics of criminal and juvenile justice policies in Japan

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Abstract

Japanese adult criminal statistics of the execution of the jurisdiction are highly changeable or repeatedly fluctuate according to the characteristics of the regime. However, juvenile criminal statistics have been relatively stable because juvenile justice system is different from that of adult. The reason is that the criminal justice agencies, (i.e. public prosecutors and police officers), media reports, and victims’ activities directly impact on the adult criminal statistics. Furthermore public prosecutors have the right of prosecution and also have a broad discretion in the criminal justice system. On the contrary, the public prosecutors have no power to screen cases for prosecution in the juvenile justice system; that power resides with the family court judges. The family court judges are relatively more independent by the characteristics of the regime than the prosecutors. Juvenile justice is not a reaction against political issues, and juvenile criminal statistics are not a product of the regime’s characteristics. This article suggests new ideologies about juvenile justice policies to protect individual juveniles and to prevent crimes.

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Notes

  1. Hamai and Ellis challenge the myth based on data that indicate (1) the disparity between declining rates of violent crime and increasing newspaper coverage of such crime and (2) the relationship between changed police policies that require the recording of all reported crimes and the increase in recorded minor violent offenses.

  2. Article 61 of the Juvenile Law (2007) stipulated that the report of the identity of juvenile offenders shall be forbidden (in cases where a juvenile is the subject of a hearing in the family court or a person has been indicted for an offense committed while a juvenile; it is forbidden to publish articles or photos in a newspaper or other publication that interferes with the identity of the person in question by name, age, occupation, address, appearance, and so forth).

  3. The Polly Klaas case is a representative example. During a slumber party in October of 1993, twelve-year-old Polly Hannah Klaas was abducted at knifepoint from her Petaluma, California home. Thousands of residents from the surrounding community immediately responded with the largest manhunt in American history. Hundreds of selfless volunteers abandoned normal daily routines for sixty-five days. A mass distribution of two billion images of Polly was sent worldwide. On 30 November 1993, the police arrested Richard Allen Davis for violation of parole during a routine patrol, and the arresting officer recognized him from police sketches. As his palm print had been found in Klaas’s bedroom, he was charged with the crime. Davis was convicted of her murder in 1996 and sentenced to death. The world had frozen one cold evening in December, when the media had reported that Polly, America’s child, the beautiful girl with the warm brown eyes shown smiling in home videos for millions of TV viewers, had not been found alive. The country was outraged. The public cried out for change in legislation and for prevention of crime. In the wake of the murder, Polly’s father, Marc Klaas, became a child advocate and established the Klaaskids Foundation. He has made himself available to parents of kidnapped children and has appeared frequently on Larry King Live, CNN Headline News, and Nancy Grace. Politicians in California and other U.S. states supported three strikes laws, and California’s Three Strikes act was signed into law on March 8, 1994. A single case like the Polly Klaas kidnapping may excite widespread feelings of insecurity because high status victims in relatively secure environments are also vulnerable to predators. Even a single event of that kind can provoke insecurity and anger in millions of homes.

  4. The protective measures refer to dispositions by the family court judge that avoid stigma and give the most beneficial treatment to juvenile delinquents. Possible measures include placement under the supervision of probation officers, commitment to juvenile education, or placement in a training home or a house for dependent children. Another option is commitment to a juvenile training school.

  5. Japan has criminalized a variety of behaviors not previously subject to sanctions. For example, in 1991, the Japanese Diet passed the Law Regarding the Prevention of Unjust Acts by Boryokudan [Yakuza] Members (Boryokudanin ni yoru Futo na Koi Boshi nado ni Kan-suru Horitsu, or Botaiho for short). The Botaiho authorizes Japan’s Public Safety Commissions to designate organized crime groups as ‘gangs,’ enables administrative control over activities by members of these groups, creates limits on the use of gang offices, and establishes regional centers to assist the victims of organized crime and to help eradicate the groups that engage in it. The Japanese Diet passed three additional anti-organized crime laws that provide for the increased use of wiretapping and sting operations for some serious crimes, and in 1999, increased punishments for those crimes and gave wider authority to seize gangsters’ assets. Furthermore, Japan enacted its first domestic violence law in 2001.

  6. The number of executions has been steadily increasing in Japan: one in 2005, four in 2006, nine in 2007, and fifteen in 2008.

  7. Junichiro Koizumi is a Japanese politician who was the 87th Prime Minister of Japan from 2001 to 2006.

  8. The major revisions are summarized as follows: 1) Reinforcement of penalty in juvenile crime case; for example, i) the minimum age for trials in the Criminal Court System is lowered from sixteen to fourteen; and ii) juveniles who commit deliberate killings and are older than 16 at the time of the crime are transferred to the prosecutor. 2) Rationalization of juvenile trials; for example, i) institution of a three-judge panel in juvenile trials; ii) allowing prosecutors to participate in juvenile trials; and iii) the extension of the protection period in the juvenile classification home. 3) Care of victims of juvenile delinquency; for example, i) victims can consult some of the trial records and evidence in a limited range; ii) hearing of victims’ opinions at the court; and iii) notification of the decision to victims by the family court.

  9. The Ministry of Justice of Japan declared that the purpose of the amendment is not “getting tough” but treating a juvenile delinquent in the best possible way for healthy development. The amendment includes 1) reinforced right of the police in investigation of juvenile delinquency; 2) referral of under-fourteen juveniles to a correctional facility, etc.

  10. First, the investigative abilities of police officers are strengthened to include those under fourteen who have committed a crime but who are too young to be arrested and punished (Article 6 (2) of the Juvenile Law, 2007). Second, it is now possible for juveniles younger than fourteen to be sent to juvenile training schools. Previously, only juveniles over the age of fourteen could go (Article 24 (1) of the Juvenile Law, 2007). Third, family court judges can require juvenile probationers who have violated probation (either seriously or repeatedly) to go to juvenile training school (Article 26 (4) of the Juvenile Law, 2007). Last, family court judges can appoint a public defender to a juvenile who has committed a serious crime and who does not have a lawyer (Article 22 (3) of the Juvenile Law, 2007).

  11. There are five counselors (Sannzikann) at the Criminal Affairs Bureau in the Ministry of Justice and they draw or plan laws and ordinances. He is one of the counselors.

  12. Nagasaki boy kidnapping and murder (July 2003): a twelve-year-old boy killed a four-year-old boy after sexually harassing him. The juvenile murderer kidnapped the victim, who was shopping at a consumer electronics retail store, and pushed him from an eight-story parking tower. The killer said, “I stripped him naked, kicked him in the abdomen and cut him with scissors. I killed him because he screamed louder than I expected.” The offender had stripped another boy naked before this case.

  13. Sasebo girl murder (June 2004): an eleven-year-old girl, a sixth-grader of elementary school, killed her twelve-year-old classmate who wrote poems of anguish. The killer planned the murder and used a stationery cutter to stab the victim in the neck. This case drove the recent amendment of the Juvenile Law of Japan.

  14. The legislature, the executive branch, and the judiciary are basically equal to one another in the presidential system.

  15. Though general policies are made by the Ministry of Justice, the prosecution of individual cases is handled by the prosecutor.

  16. The Criminal Affairs Bureau is responsible for the overall command and supervision of the public prosecutors’ offices as regards the exercise of prosecutorial power as well as the work of planning and enforcing measures to improve the structure and administration of public prosecutors’ offices.

  17. “Generally” means, for example, to set up general guidance for crime prevention, the administrative interpretation of laws, and how to dispose of affairs related to prosecution to maintain their uniformity.

  18. The Minister of Justice, who belonged to the majority party, ordered the Prosecutor-General not to arrest the suspects of the majority party during the shipbuilding scandal of 1954.

  19. Miyazawa (2008a: 50–51) recognizes two turning points: 1) the 1997 double murder case in Kobe, which triggered public perceptions that incomprehensible crime was on the rise; and 2) the 2000 formation of the National Association of Crime Victims (NAVS), which immediately attracted support from sympathetic media, conservative politicians, and conservative professionals.

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Chung, J.J. The politics of criminal and juvenile justice policies in Japan. Crime Law Soc Change 66, 359–374 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-016-9632-8

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