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Simple centrifugal incentives in spatial competition

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Abstract

This paper studies the effects of introducing centrifugal incentives in an otherwise standard Downsian model of electoral competition. First, we demonstrate that a symmetric equilibrium is guaranteed to exist when centrifugal incentives are induced by any kind of partial voter participation (such as abstention due to indifference, abstention due to alienation, etc.) and, then, we argue that: (a) this symmetric equilibrium is in pure strategies, and it is hence convergent, only when centrifugal incentives are sufficiently weak on both sides; (b) when centrifugal incentives are strong on both sides (when, for example, a lot of voters abstain when they are sufficiently indifferent between the two candidates) players use mixed strategies—the stronger the centrifugal incentives, the larger the probability weight that players assign to locations near the extremes; and (c) when centrifugal incentives are strong on one side only—say for example only on the right—the support of players’ mixed strategies contain all policies except from those that are sufficiently close to the left extreme.

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Notes

  1. We refer to Duggan (2012) and Osborne (1995) for nice surveys of the literature which originates to Hotelling (1929) and Downs (1957) models of spatial competition.

  2. For a detailed exposition of possible reasons behind centrifugal incentives in electoral competition one is referred to Adams et al. (2005). We briefly discuss some of them in the end of this section.

  3. A participating voter is someone who votes for one of the two main competing candidates. On the contrary a non-participating voter is a voter that does not vote for one of these two candidates: such voters could be abstaining or they could be voting for other non-instrumental candidates. In the Appendix we provide a specific application in which non-participating voters are assumed to vote for extremist/niche parties with fixed policy positions (non-instrumental).

  4. For example, Matakos et al. (2015b) introduce indifference-based abstention to a unidimensional model of electoral competition in order to study the effect of electoral rule disproportionality on turnout (one is referred to Matakos et al. 2015a, for a more comprehensive presentation of the formal setup) and show that it generates centrifugal incentives.

  5. Downs (1957) shows that alienation-based abstention reinforces centrifugal incentives (conditional on the distribution of voters’ ideal policies not being very polarized).

  6. The first region contains all locations to the left of the most leftist platform, the second region contains all locations from the most leftist platform to the ideal policy of the indifferent voter (i.e. the voter whose ideal policy is equidistant from the two platforms), the third region contains all locations in between the ideal policy of the indifferent voter and the most rightist platform and the fourth region contains all locations to the right of the most rightist platform.

  7. Remember that, in this example, centripetal incentives (and, hence, party loyalty) are stronger on the left.

  8. There is some similarity between this configuration and the unidirectional Hotelling-Downs ’s model analyzed in Cancian et al. (1995), Gabszewicz et al. (2008) and Xefteris (2013).

  9. See also Merrill and Adams (2002) who analyze factors that affect candidates’ position-taking incentives in multi-candidate and multi-party elections. For a multivariate vote model that includes a Left-Right policy component, a party identification component and an unmeasured term that renders the vote choice probabilistic, they present theoretical and computer simulation results that quantify candidates’ incentives to shift their policies away from the center in the direction of their partisan constituencies’ mean policy preferences. Centrifugal incentives are found to increase with (1) the salience of policies and party identification, (2) the size of the candidate field, (3) the size of a candidate’s partisan constituency and (4) more extreme constituency policy preferences. Thus, ceteris paribus, candidates who represent large constituencies are motivated to present more extreme policies than are candidates who represent small ones.

  10. Page 2.

  11. Page 44.

  12. Setting the functions equal to some arbitrary constant at their problematic points is only made for completeness and has no effect on formal analysis.

  13. Assuming that \(\Xi \) is continuous in x and in y would be sufficient to ensure that \(\alpha \), \(\beta \), \(\gamma \) and \(\delta \) are well-behaved (continuous everywhere except, possibly, from their problematic points). But this assumption would be too strict since discontinuous \(\Xi \)s can also lead to well-behaved \(\alpha \), \(\beta \), \(\gamma \) and \(\delta \) functions. If, for example, \(\Xi (\theta ,x,y)=1\) when \(\theta \in [\min \{x,y\},\max \{x,y\}]\) and \(\Xi (\theta ,x,y)=0\) otherwise, we have that, for a fixed \(\theta \), \(\Xi \) is not continuous in x and in y, but the ensuing \(\alpha \), \(\beta \), \(\gamma \) and \(\delta \) functions are well-behaved.

  14. We consider that a two-player game: (a) is competitive when, for every fixed strategy profile, any profitable deviation of a player, induces a payoff reduction to her opponent; and (b) has coordination dimensions when every pure strategy Nash equilibrium is Pareto dominated.

  15. For a symmetric mixed Nash equilibrium to be meaningful in a political competition setting, we must have in mind situations when there is no cost for an actor to be ultimately on the left or on the right of any other actor. There should be no constraints on positioning and leapfrogging should not be costly. This may happen if the parties are not too much ideological (Aragonès and Palfrey 2002, and Aragonès and Xefteris 2016, who characterize mixed equilibria of the Downsian model with a favored candidate under perfect and imperfect information) or within a party if the competition describes primaries among candidates.

  16. The function \(\alpha (x,y)F(\min \{x,y\})\) is continuous everywhere because when \(\min \{x,y\}>0\) both \(\alpha (x,y)\) and \(F(\min \{x,y\})\) are continuous and when \(\min \{x,y\}=0\) we have \(\alpha (x,y)F(\min \{x,y\})=0\) and \(\lim _{\min \{x,y\}\rightarrow 0}\alpha (x,y)F(\min \{x,y\})=0\). Equivalently, one can show that \(\beta (x,y)(1-F(\max \{x,y\}))\), \(\gamma (x,y)[F(\frac{x+y}{2})-F(\min \{x,y\})]\) and \(\delta (x,y)[F(\max \{x,y\}-F( \frac{x+y}{2}))]\) are continuous everywhere.

  17. See the discussion in page 7 of their paper.

  18. For the sake of completeness we present here the equilibria of the limit case where the centrifugal and centripetal incentives balance exactly, i.e. \( \hat{\alpha }=\hat{\beta }=\frac{1}{2}.\) Clearly this case represents a measure zero of all possible combinations of parameters values. If \(\hat{\alpha }=\hat{\beta }=\frac{1}{2}\), then it is easy to check that there is a continuum of Nash equilibria. Precisely, up to interchangeability, \(\left( x,y\right) \) with \(x\le y\) is a pure strategy Nash equilibrium if and only if \(x\le \frac{1}{2}\) and \(y\ge \frac{1}{2}\) . The Nash equilibria are Pareto ranked: the smaller the x and the larger the y, the larger are the payoffs of both players.

  19. A game is strictly competitive if all possible outcomes are Pareto-optimal.

  20. By \(\zeta _{z}\) we denote the Dirac mass in z.

  21. We have not investigated the general conditions on f under which this LNE is a (global) Nash equilibrium.

  22. If \(\frac{x+y}{2}\ge \frac{1}{2}\), conduct the same argument from the perspective of the player on the right.

  23. When \(x=y\ne \frac{1}{2}\) each of the two players has an incentive to move towards the center.

  24. Since we have assumed that f is strictly increasing on \([0,\frac{1}{2}]\), this argument does not apply to the uniform distribution. In fact, for the uniform distribution the marginal rate of substitution at any profile (xy) is equal to \(\frac{1}{2\left( 1-\hat{\alpha }\right) }\).

  25. \( \Gamma \) denotes the Gamma function. In particular \(\Gamma (n)=(n-1)!\) for any integer n.

  26. Another example of an electoral competition model with non-instrumental extremist parties is Indridason (2013).

  27. We also have results, which are available upon request, for a case in which voters are allowed to have heterogeneous valuations on the goal promoted by an extremist/niche party and which are in line with the present analysis.

  28. Glazer et al. (1998) also consider voters who evaluate a party differently depending on who else is expected to vote for it. In their case the externality is not anonymous while in our case it is.

  29. It is worth mentioning that in an equilibrium of an \((x,y)\in [0,1]^{2}\) subgame in which both mainstream parties get a positive vote-share it should be the case that centrist voters (voters with ideal policies between x and y) never vote for extremist parties. This is so because if \(u_{i}(0,\theta _{l},\hat{\sigma }^{-i}(x,y))>u_{i_{l}}(x,\theta _{1},\hat{ \sigma }^{-i}(x,y))\) for some \(i\in [x,y]\) then it should also hold that every voter prefers party l to party 1 and hence, the vote-share of party 1 must be zero.

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Correspondence to Dimitrios Xefteris.

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The authors would like to thank two referees, an associate editor, Philippe De Donder and Juuso Välimäki as well as participants of CRETE 2013, EPSA General Conference 2014 and the MFS 2015 Conference for excellent comments and suggestions.

Appendix

Appendix

In this appendix we provide some discussion of pure strategy equilibria when the distribution of voters in nonuniform and some microfoundations of the constant functions’ quadruple \((\alpha ,\beta ,\gamma ,\delta )\) that was extensively used throughout the paper.

1.1 A.1: Nonuniform distributions

In the case of a uniform distribution, when \(\hat{\alpha }=\hat{\beta }\), the game admits Nash equilibria in pure strategies: \((\frac{1}{2},\frac{1}{2})\), no differentiation, when \(\hat{\alpha }>\frac{1}{2}\) and \(\left( 0,1\right) \) , maximal differentiation, when \(\hat{\alpha }<\frac{1}{2}\). The existence of a local Footnote 21 Nash equilibrium exhibiting no differentiation when \(\hat{\alpha }>\frac{1}{2}\) and differentiation when \( \hat{\alpha }<\frac{1}{2}\) continues to hold for a large class of distributions. Consider a distribution described by the density f which will be assumed differentiable, symmetric with respect to \(\frac{1}{2}\) (that is, \(f(x)=f(1-x)\) for all \(x\in \left[ 0,\frac{1}{2}\right] \)) and strictly increasing on \(\left[ 0,\frac{1}{2}\right] \) (and so strictly decreasing on \(\left[ \frac{1}{2},1\right] \)). Let (xy) be a profile of locations such that: \(x<y\) . Without loss of generalityFootnote 22 assume that \(\frac{x+y}{2}\le \frac{1}{2}\). For the player located on the left, moving on the right leads to a gain of \(\frac{\gamma }{2}f(\frac{x+y}{2})\) and to a loss of \(\gamma (1- \hat{\alpha })f(x)\). If \(\hat{\alpha }\ge \frac{1}{2}\), then the gain is always larger than the cost and the equilibrium is defined by \(x=y=\frac{1}{2 }\).Footnote 23 If otherwise \(\hat{\alpha }<\frac{1}{2}\), a local equilibrium is obtained when the marginal rate of substitution \(\frac{\frac{1 }{2}f(\frac{x+y}{2})}{\left( 1-\hat{\alpha })\right) f(x)}\) is equal to 1, that is,

$$\begin{aligned} \frac{1}{2}f\left( \frac{x+y}{2}\right) =\left( 1-\hat{\alpha }\right) f(x) \end{aligned}$$

or

$$\begin{aligned} f(x)=\frac{1}{2\left( 1-\hat{\alpha }\right) }f\left( \frac{x+y}{2}\right) \end{aligned}$$

Let us test when the symmetric profile \(\left( x,1-x\right) \) with \(x<\frac{1 }{2}\) is a local Nash equilibrium.Footnote 24 From above, the first order condition writes:

$$\begin{aligned} f(x)=\frac{1}{2\left( 1-\hat{\alpha }\right) }f\left( \frac{1}{2}\right) \end{aligned}$$

If \(f(0)=0\), then the above equation has a unique solution \(x^{*}\). We may also check that the second order condition is satisfied. Indeed the second derivative at \(x^{*}\)

$$\begin{aligned} \frac{1}{4}f^{\prime }\left( \frac{1}{2}\right) +(\hat{\alpha }-1)f^{\prime }(x^{*})=( \hat{\alpha }-1)f^{\prime }(x^{*}) \end{aligned}$$

is negative as \(\hat{\alpha }<1\) and \(f^{\prime }(\frac{1}{2})=0\). For the sake of illustration, consider the (symmetric) Beta distribution:Footnote 25

$$\begin{aligned} f(x)=\frac{\Gamma (2\xi )}{\Gamma (\xi )^{2}}\left( x\left( 1-x\right) \right) ^{\xi -1}\text { over }\left[ 0,1\right] \end{aligned}$$

with \(\xi >1\). In such case, \(x^{*}\) is the solution of the equation:

$$\begin{aligned} x(1-x)=\frac{1}{4}\left( \frac{1}{2\left( 1-\hat{\alpha }\right) }\right) ^{ \frac{1}{\xi -1}} \end{aligned}$$

We obtain:

$$\begin{aligned} x^{*}=\frac{1}{2}-\frac{\sqrt{1-\left( \frac{1}{2\left( 1-\hat{\alpha } \right) }\right) ^{\frac{1}{\xi -1}}}}{2} \end{aligned}$$

As we observe differentiation (defined by \(1-2x^{*}\left( \hat{\alpha } ,\xi \right) \)) is reduced when F is more concentrated around the center (large values of \(\xi \)) and when the centrifugal incentives are less intense (large values of \(\hat{\alpha }\)). This is illustrated on Table 1 for \(\hat{\alpha }=0\) and on Table 2 for \(\hat{\alpha }=\frac{1}{4}\).

Table 1 Concentration of voters around the center and location of the first player, when centrifugal incentives are intense
Table 2 Concentration of voters around the center and location of the first player, when centrifugal incentives are moderate

1.2 A.2: An application

In this section we develop a model of electoral competition among four parties, two instrumental and two parametric ones, and we demonstrate that it is a particular case of the general model studied above. Let \(\{l,1,2,r\}\) be the set of political parties and [0, 1] the policy space. The policy platforms of the extremist parties, l and r, are fixed exogenously and are 0 and 1 respectively.Footnote 26 Parties 1 and 2—which we call mainstream—strategically decide their policy platforms, x and y, in order to maximize their vote-share and voters’ ideal policies are distributed uniformly on the interval [0, 1].

We consider a two-stage extended form game of perfect information and, naturally, the solution concept that we apply is subgame perfection. In the first stage, the two mainstream parties decide their policy platforms and then the voters observe \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\) and they vote. We allow both pure and mixed strategies for any of our players. Let \((\sigma ^{1},\sigma ^{2})\) denote a pair of mixed strategies for the two mainstream candidates (probability distributions such that their support is a subset of [0, 1]) and \(\hat{\sigma }^{i}(x,y)\) denote a mixed strategy of a voter with ideal policy \(i\in [0,1]\) (probability distribution such that its support is a subset of \(\{l,1,2,r\}\)) when the voter observes that the policy platforms of the two mainstream parties are given by \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\). Then a strategy profile in our game is given by \(\sigma =\{(\sigma ^{1},\sigma ^{2}),\hat{\sigma }\) such that \(\hat{\sigma }(x,y)\in \hat{\sigma }\) for all \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\}\) where \(\hat{\sigma } (x,y)\) is such that \(\hat{\sigma }^{i}(x,y)\in \hat{\sigma }(x,y)\) for every \( i\in [0,1]\) and each possible subgame \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2} \).

Each extremist/niche party is assumed to promote a cause that is independent of the main policy issue and which voters may find attractive or repulsive.Footnote 27 Voters’ valuation of a cause promoted by a party is captured by an attraction/repulsion parameter \(\phi _{k}\in \mathbb {R} \) for \(k\in \{l,1,2,r\}.\) If \(\phi _{k}>0\) then the promoted goal is attractive and if \(\phi _{k}<0\) it is repulsive (we assume that mainstream parties do not promote such causes and hence \(\phi _{1}=\phi _{2}=0\)).

Our voters are expressive and sophisticated at the same time; they know that they cannot individually influence the outcome of elections—hence they derive utility only from voting for the party that they prefer—but they are able to take in account expectations about the voting behavior of their fellow citizens whenever this is relevant. We consider that the payoff of a voter with ideal policy \(i\in [0,1]\) who votes for a party \(k\in \{l,1,2,r\}\) with policy platform \(\psi _{k}\in [0,1]\) when we are in subgame \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\) and all other voters are expected to behave according to \(\hat{\sigma }^{-i}(x,y)=\hat{\sigma }(x,y)-\{ \hat{ \sigma }^{i}(x,y)\}\) is given by:

$$\begin{aligned} u_{i}(\psi _{k},\phi _{k},\hat{\sigma }^{-i}(x,y))=-\left| \psi _{k}-i\right| +\phi _{k}\times v_{k}(\hat{\sigma }^{-i}(x,y)) \end{aligned}$$

where \(v_{k}(\hat{\sigma }^{-i}(x,y))\) is the expected vote-share of party \( k\in \{l,1,2,r\}\) when all other voters are expected to vote according to \( \hat{\sigma }^{-i}(x,y)\).

Notice that the component of the above utility function which does not relate to the position of the party on the main political issue is not fixedFootnote 28 as in Groseclose (2001) or Aragonès and Palfrey (2002) but it also depends on the “electoral power” of each party. This is so because, if the cause that a niche party \(k\in \{l,r\}\) promotes is attractive for the voters then the impact of this niche party on government policy outputs—and hence on the voters welfare—will be increasing in the niche party’s vote-share and vice versa.

Consider that we are in subgame \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\) with \(x<y\) and that \(\hat{\sigma }(x,y)\) is such that both mainstream parties get a strictly positive vote-share. Then, if \(\hat{\sigma }(x,y)\) is a Nash equilibrium of the \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\) subgame there should exist \(i_{l1}\in [0,x]\) such that:Footnote 29

$$\begin{aligned} u_{i_{l1}}(0,\phi _{l},\hat{\sigma }^{-i_{l1}}(x,y))=u_{i_{l1}}(x,\phi _{1}, \hat{\sigma }^{-i_{l1}}(x,y)) \end{aligned}$$

which is equivalent to

$$\begin{aligned} i_{l1}=\frac{1}{2-\phi _{l}}x \end{aligned}$$

because when F is uniform, \(x<y\) and \(\hat{\sigma }(x,y)\) is a Nash equilibrium of the \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\) subgame such that all parties get a strictly positive vote-share, it must be the case that \(v_{l}( \hat{\sigma }^{-i_{l1}}(x,y))=i_{l1}\).

Equivalently, one can show that in a Nash equilibrium of the \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\) subgame in which all parties get positive vote-shares there should also exist \(i_{12}\in [x,y]\) and \(i_{2r}\in [y,1]\) such that:

$$\begin{aligned} u_{i_{12}}(x,\phi _{1},\hat{\sigma }^{-i_{12}}(x,y))=u_{i_{12}}(y,\phi _{2}, \hat{\sigma }^{-i_{12}}(x,y)) \end{aligned}$$

and

$$\begin{aligned} u_{i_{2r}}(y,\phi _{2},\hat{\sigma }^{-i_{2r}}(x,y))=u_{i_{2r}}(1,\phi _{r}, \hat{\sigma }^{-i_{2r}}(x,y)) \end{aligned}$$

which are equivalent to

$$\begin{aligned} i_{12}=\frac{x+y}{2} \end{aligned}$$

and

$$\begin{aligned} i_{2r}=\frac{1+y-\phi _{r}}{2-\phi _{r}} \end{aligned}$$

It is straightforward that if the attraction parameter of the leftist niche party is sufficiently large (\(\phi _{l}\ge 1\)) then in any Nash equilibrium of any subgame \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\), it should be the case that no mainstream party gets any votes and, hence, our game becomes trivial: the mainstream parties are indifferent among all available strategies. This obviously holds for the attraction parameter of the rightist niche party too. Therefore, we focus on attraction parameters which make our game non-trivial: \(\phi _{l},\phi _{r}<1\).

If the attraction parameters of the niche parties are small enough, \(\phi _{l},\phi _{r}<1\), then for every subgame \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\) there exists a unique Nash equilibrium such that both mainstream parties get a positive vote-share. The payoff of mainstream party 1 in this Nash equilibrium of any \((x,y)\in \left[ 0,1\right] ^{2}\) subgame is given by:

$$\begin{aligned} \pi _{1}(x,y)=\left\{ \begin{array}{l} x(\frac{1-\phi _{l}}{2-\phi _{l}})+\frac{y-x}{2}\quad \text { if }0\le x<y\le 1 \\ \frac{1}{2}\left( x\frac{1-\phi _{l}}{2-\phi _{l}}+(1-x)\frac{1-\phi _{r}}{2-\phi _{r}}\right) \quad \text { if }x=y \\ (1-x)\frac{1-\phi _{r}}{2-\phi _{r}}+\frac{x-y}{2}\quad \text { if }0\le y<x\le 1 \end{array} \right. \end{aligned}$$

and the payoff of mainstream party 2 is given by:

$$\begin{aligned} \pi _{2}(x,y)=\left\{ \begin{array}{l} y(\frac{1-\phi _{l}}{2-\phi _{l}})+\frac{x-y}{2}\quad \text { if }0\le y<x\le 1 \\ \frac{1}{2}\left( y\frac{1-\phi _{l}}{2-\phi _{l}}+(1-y)\frac{1-\phi _{r}}{2-\phi _{r}}\right) \quad \text { if }y=x \\ (1-y)\frac{1-\phi _{r}}{2-\phi _{r}}+\frac{y-x}{2}\quad \text { if }0\le x<y\le 1 \end{array} \right. \end{aligned}$$

Hence, this two player game is identical to the one we extensively analyzed in the previous section for \(\alpha =\frac{1-\phi _{l}}{2-\phi _{l}}\), \( \beta =\frac{1-\phi _{r}}{2-\phi _{r}}\) and \(\gamma =\delta =1\). When both extremist parties promote repulsive causes \(\phi _{l},\phi _{r}<1\) (strong centripetal incentives from both sides) we have a unique convergent equilibrium to the side of the more repulsive extremist party, when one extremist party promotes a repulsive cause and the other extremist party promotes an attractive cause (mixed incentives) then we have a symmetric equilibrium in mixed strategies such that mainstream parties locate (in expected terms) to the side of the extremist party which promotes the repulsive cause and when both extremist parties promote attractive causes, there is a symmetric equilibrium in mixed strategies such that the mainstream parties locate (in expected terms) in the center of the policy space.

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Xefteris, D., Laussel, D. & Breton, M.L. Simple centrifugal incentives in spatial competition. Int J Game Theory 46, 357–381 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00182-016-0540-z

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