Abstract
This paper aims to show that objects preposed to a position after the subject in Chinese, as inWo huasheng neng chi ‘I can eat peanuts’, are adjoined to (an auxiliary or main) VP and not necessarily to IP (with the subject also topicalized, to the left of the object). We present four arguments. First, some Chinese adjuncts occur only in VP, and in some cases they may precede preposed objects. Second, SOV sentences require contrastive focus on preposed objects, while OSV sentences do not, a distinction easily handled if taken (respectively) as VP- vs. IP-adjunction but not if both are adjunction to IP. Third, SOV and OSV sentences behave differently both when embedded and when formed by extraction of an object from an embedded clause; again, the distinction is easily made if the former involves VP-adjunction. Finally, objects may sometimes occur between a modal and the main verb; assuming that modals take VP complements, this can only be VP-adjunction. We further suggest that preposing of objects is triggered by a [+Focus] feature in VP and that this feature is to be found in VP wherever languages license “extra” base-generated NP positions in VP.
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Ernst, T., Wang, C. Object preposing in Mandarin Chinese. J East Asian Linguis 4, 235–260 (1995). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01731510
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01731510