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Economic Development and Subjective Well-being: A Comparative Study of Adolescents in Hong Kong and Macau

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Abstract

With a comparative study on adolescents in Hong Kong (N = 1,830) and Macau (N = 2,761), this article examines how differences in the wider economic contexts would affect the development of subjective well-being in adolescents. In particular, despite having similar levels of economic development, Hong Kong resembles a mature economy while Macau is still enjoying healthy growth due to the difference in the timing of economic booms experienced by the two Chinese cities. Therefore, it is suggested that adolescents in Hong Kong grow up under a constant pressure to be competitive within an increasingly limited economy, while their counterparts in Macau could expect to have a more comfortable time in the future. This crucial difference is hypothesized to be responsible for the observation that older adolescents in Macau are associated with higher hope and purpose in life, while the same cannot be said for those in Hong Kong. Subsequent analysis of the factors underlying the measure of hope further reinforces our arguments. This study carries strong implications for understanding how child well-being is affected by the wider economic conditions.

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Notes

  1. Of course, we acknowledge that in almost every rich economy, including Hong Kong and Macau, material and monetary deprivation is still a major problem underlying child well-being. Poverty is still a grave reality facing a lot of families. See, for example, Goodstadt (2014).

  2. In a survey, 40.5 % of youth expressed concerns over housing issues, followed by employment/career development (Hong Kong Federation of Youth Groups 2011; their definition of youth include those above the age of 20).

  3. The researchers did not provide information (e.g., cross-tabulations) on the relationship between personal views and views towards the society. Raw data are also not available for our analysis.

  4. This can be reflected by the fact that those with secondary education and tertiary education respond very similarly to their expected time of finding a job (Macau Youth Research Association 2010).

  5. Only students in the final and penultimate years in primary school were surveyed. The Hong Kong sample aged from 10 to 19 and respondents were aged from 10 to 22 for Macau. In fact, most observations from both sample came from the middle of the spectrum, aged 13–18, and only a handful of respondents (about 1 %) from Macau were above 19 years old. Excluding them makes virtually no difference on the results reported.

  6. The figures for hopelessness, certainty, and expectation for Hong Kong (Macau) are .85 (.89), .71 (.73), and .42 (.60) respectively. The reliability for expectation is lower partly because it only consists of four items.

  7. Other demographic variables including ethnicity and religious background are not significant in explaining our variables of interest. Their descriptive statistics are presented in the Appendix.

  8. Parents’ marital status is also tested, but it does not affect the main results and it is not consistently significant. It is therefore excluded for model parsimony.

  9. The respondents are asked about their father’s and mother’s education level on a scale of 0 (no formal education) to 4 (university or above). We sum the two figures to measure parents’ education background (ranges from 0 to 8).

  10. As the respondents are not randomly chosen, the estimation of standard errors might not be accurate. Robustness tests with standard errors clustered by sample are shown in the Appendix. Although some variables become less significant, the key results persist and the main variables are still jointly significant (F-tests). As this method could not be applied on the Macau and Hong Kong models, the current set of tests is kept to allow for direct comparisons across all specifications.

  11. The average for the three groups are 98.2, 92.4, and 90.0 respectively.

  12. It is acknowledged the bulk of the explanatory power do not come from age or residence (Hong Kong/Macau) as they only explain about 3 % of the variation. However this should not be considered atypical for demographic factors. For example, gender and age explain about 5 % of the variation in our models, which is comparable to the 8 % reported by Klocke et al. (2014) in their cross-national study.

  13. The combination of the different effects for each factor within the wider measure of hope can also explain the seemingly less significant effects identified in Table 3.

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Correspondence to Mathew Y. H. Wong.

Appendix

Appendix

Table 5 Additional descriptive statistics of samples
Table 6 Robustness tests

Sample by age

figure a

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Wong, M.Y.H., Chui, W.H. Economic Development and Subjective Well-being: A Comparative Study of Adolescents in Hong Kong and Macau. Child Ind Res 10, 247–265 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12187-016-9381-3

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