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Lie-toe-tease: double negatives and unexcluded middles

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Abstract

Litotes, “a figure of speech in which an affirmative is expressed by the negative of the contrary” (OED) has had some tough reviews. For Pope and Swift (“Scriblerus” 1727), litotes—stock examples include “no mean feat”, “no small problem”, and “not bad at all”—is “the peculiar talent of Ladies, Whisperers, and Backbiters”; for Orwell (1946), it is a means to affect “an appearance of profundity” that we can deport from English “by memorizing this sentence: A not unblack dog was chasing a not unsmall rabbit across a not ungreen field.” But such ridicule is not without equivocation, given that litotes, or “logical” (non-concordial) double negation, may or may not be semantically redundant. When the negation of a logical contrary yields an unexcluded middle, it contributes to expressive power: someone who is not unhappy may not be happy either, and an occurrence may not be infrequent without being frequent. But if something is not possible, what can it be but possible? Why does Crashaw’s “not impossible she” survive rhetorically while Orwell’s “not unsmall rabbit” is doomed? How is Robbie being “not not friends” with Mary on 7th Heaven distinct from being friends with her, if not not-p reduces to p? The key is recognizing in litotes a corollary of MaxContrary, the tendency for contradictory (wide-scope) sentential negation ¬p to strengthen (at least) pragmatically to a contrary ©p, as when the formal contradictory Fr. “Il ne faut pas partir” (lit. ‘It is not necessary to leave’) is reinterpreted as expressing a contrary (‘one must not-leave’). Just as the Law of Excluded Middle can apply where it “shouldn’t”, resulting in pragmatically presupposed disjunctions between semantic contraries, so that “p v ©p” amounts to an instance of “p v ¬p”, the Law of Double Negation can fail to apply where it “should”. When not not-p conveys ¬©p, the negation of a virtual contrary, the middle between p and not-p is no longer excluded, rendering the Fregean dictum that “Wrapping up a thought in double negation does not alter its truth value” not unproblematic.

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Notes

  1. Despite the reference here to “the contrary”, contrariety—unlike contradiction—is not unique: a given expression may have two or more logically indistinct contraries. See Horn and Wansing (2015: Sect. 1.6) for discussion.

  2. The theoretical status of “neg-raising”, the lower-clause understanding of higher-clause negation across a range of propositional attitude predicates and other operators—as a rule of grammar, a semantic association rule, or a partially conventionalized pragmatic strengthening process—has been debated from St. Anselm to Collins and Postal (2014); see Horn 1989: Chapter 5 and my foreword to Collins and Postal (2014) for the chronology.

  3. ]

    The negative prefix non- typically functions as a contradictory, forming minimal pairs with other contrary-forming negative prefixes; cf. Horn 1989: Sects. 5.1 and 6 below. Thus the contradictory non-adjective may be explicitly rejected as too weak, presupposing a scale of the form < x is non-Adj, x is un-Adj > :

    In Talmudic days myrtles were used at funerals. Nowadays, the custom of flowers at a funeral…is not merely non-jewish but positively unjewish.

    (Contribution to mail.jewish net list, April 1991).

  4. While most speakers can be counted on to grasp the nuance of weakness conveyed by the negated negative, those with impairments in Theory of Mind like the high-functioning autistic savant Daniel Tammet have difficulty in determining the motivation for, and therefore the interpretation of, litotic structures:

    Certain sentence structures can be particularly hard for me to analyze, such as: “He is not inexperienced in such things,” where the two negatives (not and in-) cancel each other out. It is much better if people just say: “He is experienced in such things.”(Tammet 2006: 162).

  5. For a catalogue raisonné of eight motives for double negation, see Horn 1991: 91ff. Neuhaus (to appear), working from an extensive corpus of German nicht un- examples, has regimented that eightfold path into four interrelated functions: denial, potential presumption denial, mitigation, and understatement. As Neuhaus observes, the multiple uses of litotes illustrates the “indeterminate nature of figurative meaning” discussed by Colston & Gibbs (2012: 259). See van der Wouden (1996) for other considerations on the motivation for litotes and its connection to monotonicity.

  6. Consider, for example, the eponymous but unfortunately now defunct Austin-based rock band, or the equally eponymous third track on Sloth’s 2012 digital album “A Few Household Chemicals in The Proper Proportions”, http://tinyurl.com/ltfn42g.

  7. Another instance of Midwestern mitigation is the faute de mieux litotes identified in Charles Baxter’s Feast of Love (2001, p. 138):

    Was this the classic instance of a smart woman selling herself short? As the weeks went on and I grew to know him better, I thought of all these default-mode negatives: he seemed not ignoble, not ill-spoken, not a bully, not inconsiderate, not obnoxious, not a boor, not violent, not distressing, not disdainful, not a bad dresser, not unmindful, not dirty or smelly… He was not unhandsome. He was not unattractive. In other words, he was husband material. Simple as that.

    In Henry Miller’s dictum (1956: 57), “If you can’t give the is-ness of a thing give the not-ness of it!”.

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Acknowledgments

Some of this material was presented in other forms at other forums, including the first World Congress on the Square of Opposition in Montreux (June 2007), LNAT (Logic Now and Then) in Brussels (November 2008), ESSLLI in Ljubljana (August 2011), SCLP in Santa Cruz (November 2011), CRISSP in Brussels (December 2011), the LOT Summer School in Driebergen (July 2012), AMPRA 1 in Charlotte (October 2012), the CIL Logical Words workshop in Geneva (July 2013), and of course Go Figure in London (June 2013). I am grateful to commenters at those occasions and to Barbara Abbott, Donka Farkas, Dany Jaspers, Mark Liberman, Jacques Moeschler, Laura Neuhaus, and Mihaela Popa for helpful interactions.

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Horn, L. Lie-toe-tease: double negatives and unexcluded middles. Philos Stud 174, 79–103 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11098-015-0509-y

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