Abstract
Evidence based on almost 300,000 sexual assaults from the National Incident-Based Reporting System showed that the modal age of victims was 15 years, regardless of the age of the offender, the gender of the offender, or the gender of the victim. We suggest that adolescents have the highest risk of victimization because of their sexual attractiveness, vulnerability, and exposure to motivated offenders. As a result of these factors, sexual assault is as much an offense against young people as it is against women. The sexual attractiveness of young people also has implications for the age of offenders. Older men have much higher rates of offending than one would expect, given the age–desistance relationship. Thus, we found that older men have much higher rates of sexual assault than physical assault. Finally, evidence suggested that homosexual men were at least as likely as heterosexual men to commit sexual assault. The pattern suggests that the tendency for sexual assaults to involve male offenders and female victims reflects male sexuality rather than attitudes toward women.
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Notes
Our emphasis on sexual attractiveness in interpreting age preferences implies that sexual motivation plays a role in sexual assault. The idea is controversial, although considering sexual motivation along with other motives has become more acceptable in recent years (e.g., Bryden & Grier, 2011; Felson, 2002; Kanin, 1985; Mann & Hollin, 2007; Palmer, 1988). We do not deny that a power motive or some combination of motives could also be involved. We focus on sexual attractiveness (and motivation) because it makes sense of the age patterns that we observe. The feminist approach predicts gender not age discrimination in sexual assaults. Where age patterns have been discussed they have been attributed to opportunity factors (Kimmel, 2003; Travis, 2003).
From an evolutionary perspective the sexual attractiveness of young women and their high risk of rape reflects the association between age and fecundity in ancestral history (e.g., Ellis, 1989; Palmer, 1991; Shields & Shields, 1983; Symons, 1979; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). We leave it to others to decide the relevance of our results to evolutionary psychology. From our perspective, it seems clear that evolution plays a role in sexuality and that sex differences in sexuality play a role in rape.
This pattern is likely to be weaker when older men have power and status, if these characteristics affect their sexual attractiveness.
Similar sex differences were observed across ages, years of data collection, educational levels, and nations. A study of a large sample of identical and fraternal twins in Australia suggests that individual differences in interest in casual sex are at least partly genetic (Bailey, Kirk, Zhu, Dunne, & Martin, 2000).
We could more easily compare strength if we had data on non-victims and estimated an equation predicting victimization.
The argument that husbands protect married women in their twenties from rape (e.g., Mesnick, 1997) cannot explain why the effects were similar for all gender combinations.
Of course, some of the offenders who assault children are pedophiles. Their presence in the sample is not relevant to our conclusions. In addition, the patterns do not change much when we only included incidents involving victims 15 years and older.
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Felson, R.B., Cundiff, P.R. Sexual Assault as a Crime Against Young People. Arch Sex Behav 43, 273–284 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-013-0127-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-013-0127-8