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Does ideological polarisation mobilise citizens?

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Abstract

Does an increasing divide in ideological orientations influence citizens’ political behaviour? This study explores whether mass ideological polarisation stimulates individuals to become politically active in terms of poll attendance and non-electoral participation. In line with relative deprivation theory I argue that in an environment of ideological polarisation, individuals’ normative notions are threatened, increasing the probability that they will actively participate in the political decision-making process. Using the European Social Survey (2002–2014) and focusing on subnational regions, I conduct macro-level as well as multi-level analyses. Empirical results show that ideological polarisation indeed mobilises for non-electoral participation, while there is no such effect on voting. In the second step, I examine whether ideological extremism makes individuals more susceptible to environmental ideological polarisation. Findings show that members of the far right are more likely to become politically active when their social environment is divided over political ideology. In contrast, members of the far left are hardly motivated by rising polarisation regarding ideology.

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Fig. 1

Source: European Social Survey, 2002–2014 (www.europeansocialsurvey.org/. Accessed 15 Mar 2016)

Fig. 2

Source: European Social Survey, 2002–2014 (www.europeansocialsurvey.org/. Accessed 15 Mar 2016)

Fig. 3

Source: European Social Survey, 2002–2014 (www.europeansocialsurvey.org/. Accessed 15 Mar 2016)

Fig. 4

Source: European Social Survey, 2002–2014 (www.europeansocialsurvey.org/. Accessed 15 Mar 2016)

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Notes

  1. See inter alia Abramowitz and Saunders (2008), Baldassarri and Gelman (2008), DiMaggio et al. (1996), Fiorina et al. (2011), Evans (2003), Layman (2001), Layman and Carsey (2002), Fiorina and Levendusky (2006), Fiorina and Abrams (2011), Levendusky (2010) and Alwin and Tufiş (2016).

  2. See inter alia Abramowitz and Saunders (2005), Bafumi and Shapiro (2009), Baldassarri and Gelman (2008), Layman and Carsey (2002).

  3. See inter alia Baldassarri and Gelman (2008), Lachat (2008), Hetherington (2001), Fiorina and Levendusky (2006) and Levendusky (2010).

  4. Although mass polarisation has gained increasing scientific interest, there is no common definition (yet). The definition presented here, however, is convincing.

  5. Generally, ideological belief systems such as liberalism and conservatism are frameworks of interrelated beliefs, attitudes, and values that envision how the world should be by making assertions about human nature, historical events, present realities, and possible futures (Jost et al. 2009: 309, 315). They normatively specify good and proper ways of addressing life’s problems as well as means of attaining social, economic, and political ideals which helps to interpret the world, make judgements about political objects and justify actions (Jost et al. 2009: 310). Political orientations correlate with a variety of preferences, suggesting that respondents’ cognitive systems are ideologically structured (Jost et al. 2008: 129).

  6. Jost et al. (2008, 2009) argue that ideologies like conservatism (being right) and liberalism (being left) are usually founded in psychological needs and motives—such as handling uncertainty and threat—which makes certain ideas attractive to certain members of society. In turn, affinities between psychological needs and motives lend ideological content to a certain degree of constraint, coherence, and structure.

  7. The ESS is an academically driven cross-national survey that has been conducted across Europe every 2 years since 2002, investigating social structure, conditions, behaviour patterns and attitudes in Europe.

  8. NUTS (Nomenclature of Units for Territorial Statistics) is a geocode scheme developed by the European Union for statistical purposes. Subnational NUTS 2 units consist of not more than three million and not less than eighty thousand inhabitants.

  9. To check for robustness, another index was constructed where the three outermost extreme categories were used and the analyses rerun. All results remain stable.

  10. The index has already been introduced and discussed in detail in Kleiner (2016) and Kleiner (2018).

  11. Included are Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, Finland, France, Greece, Italy, Spain, Hungary, the Netherlands, Norway, Austria, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland, Slovenia, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic.

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Acknowledgements

I am grateful to the editors and the anonymous reviewers for providing quite valuable comments and suggestions to improve the paper.

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Correspondence to Tuuli-Marja Kleiner.

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Appendix

Appendix

Table 6 Regional ideological polarisation and political participation (robustness check)
Table 7 Regional ideological polarisation, extremism and voting (robustness check)
Table 8 Ideological polarisation, extremism and non-electoral participation (robustness check)
Table 9 Variables

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Kleiner, TM. Does ideological polarisation mobilise citizens?. Eur Polit Sci 19, 573–602 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-019-00228-y

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