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From Europe’s past to the Middle East’s future: The constitutive purpose of forward analogies in international security

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Abstract

Why do international security experts and policymakers draw analogies between various contexts? Do they use analogies to help them better predict the future consequences of their actions? Or do they employ analogies for other purposes? This article analyzes how policymakers and experts draw on “forward analogies” (i.e., analogies between observed causal relations and expected causal relations) to advance diplomatic negotiations in a particularly hard context: the deliberations of the weapons of mass destruction Free Zone in the Middle East. In situations in which diplomacy is blocked by the unwillingness of parties to start negotiations, this article claims that forward analogies can not only serve a predictive purpose, but also a constitutive purpose: analogies help “constitute” the reality of regional orders (such as the “Middle East”) when their ontological status as objects of deliberation and intervention is problematic. Yet, their successful operation depends on their ability to respect pre-existing cultural scripts and cultural taboos. Furthermore, their constitutive effect remains circumscribed to specific contexts in which forward-looking discussions are clearly distinguished from official negotiations. By highlighting the cultural embeddedness of forward analogies, this article draws upon developments in cultural sociology to advance the burgeoning literature on future-oriented practices in international relations.

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Notes

  1. Cited in Feldman and Toukan (1997, p. 101).

  2. Diplomats had in mind the intermediate-range nuclear forces (INF) treaty, the strategic arms reduction treaty (START), the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) treaty (Feldman and Toukan, 1997, p. 82).

  3. See, for instance, the differences between the proposals put forward by the Chairman of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs, Shaker (2010, 2014), before and after he participated in various workshops on Euratom and the Zone.

  4. By doing so, they have distanced themselves from other sociologists of expert communities inspired by Pierre Bourdieu (Dezalay and Garth, 2002; Pouliot, 2008; Bigo, 2005; Stampnitzky, 2013), who focus on processes of institutionalization, social capital transmission and transnational network formation.

  5. The same lesson is referenced by Israeli policymakers (Heller, 1994, p. 100).

  6. Some, however, argue that historical references just serve ex-post window-dressing purposes and have little influence on the decision-making process (Jervis, 1976).

  7. Gibson (2011b) makes a similar point about the “speech norms” and “group styles” (Eliasoph and Lichterman, 2003) in which deliberations about the U.S. response to the Cuban Missile Crisis took place.

  8. Protention is an interesting aspect of conversations that needs analysis, as showed by many studies inspired by ethno-methodology since Garfinkel (1967).

  9. Indeed, track-II meetings allow all participants to see how diplomats mobilize real-life negotiating skills in unofficial talks – an experience which can teach lessons about the interactional dynamics that could occur if these proposals were tabled for real. The complicity between protention and trajectory, which is the focus of Bourdieu’s field theory (Tavory and Eliasoph, 2013, p. 919), could also be interesting to analyze.

  10. Doing so would require the kind of minute data to analyze how participants rely on protentions (Gibson, 2011a) to anticipate when to speak and when to stay silent – the kind of data used for instance in Gibson’s (2011a) study of the Missile Cuban Crisis, which he based on audio-recordings of the conversations between experts.

  11. For an overview of how ACRS advanced compared to other working groups (like Economic Development), see Solingen (2000), or Jones (1997); and on other transnational arms control communities, see Adler (1992).

  12. Real negotiations actually occurred in the background, leading for instance to the joint Israeli-Jordanian declaration in 1993 (Feldman, 1997a, p. 9), and their 1994 bilateral peace treaty, which called both parties to enlarge their talks to regional actors by committing “themselves to the creation, in the Middle East, of a Conference on Security and Co-operation in the Middle East (CSCME),” (art. 4.1.B), modeled after the European precedent, http://www.kinghussein.gov.jo/peacetreaty.html.

  13. The United States and Russia organized a series of conferences convened in Moscow (January 1992, September 1992) and in Washington (May 1992, September 1992) to assess the lessons of Europe for the Middle East.

  14. It was only after the September 1993 Oslo agreements, by which Israel recognized a Palestinian interlocutor, and after the peace treaty signed between Israel and Jordan in 1994, that some normalization between some of the states involved occurred without sanction (Barnett, 1998).

  15. For instance, as Brynen (1994, p. 53) writes, “the primary purpose of confidence building measures in Europe in the 1980s was to stabilize the postwar territorial status quo,” whereas, “in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict [or in the Syrian-Israeli conflict], the reverse is true.” – see also Krause (1994, p. 270).

  16. The exception was Eastern Germany, which no Western state recognized as a state.

  17. In fact, this widely held belief that “operational” measures came first was actually a historical post-hoc reconstruction of the Helsinki process (Kremenyuk, 1994, p. 250).

  18. For instance, among the many authors who emphasize the “significant differences” between the European and Middle Eastern context, see Brynen (1994, p. 55), Gera (1994, p. 160) and Krause (1994, p. 271).

  19. However, they did not look for an exact probability of such a relation of causality.

  20. The participants in ACRS did not explain why the Soviets failed to anticipate the consequences of such a clause among Polish and Hungarian dissidents, who could then voice their concerns for human rights in Eastern Europe (Ben Dor and Dewitt, 1994, p. 17).

  21. Among the relevant differences between Europe and the Middle East, the “political and cultural differences,” (Ben Dor and Dewitt, 1994, p. 6; but also Feldman and Toukan, 1997, p. 84) ranked high.

  22. For Bateson (1972, pp. 206–207) a “double bind” takes the form of a primary negative injunction (of the form: ‘do not do this’); complemented by a positive injunction (‘do that’), which contradicts the first one; to which is added a third injunction (of the form ‘stay there’), which makes it impossible to escape the tensions.

  23. Regarding NNWS’ safeguarding obligations, the NPT says that “[t]he safeguards required by this article shall be applied to all source or special fissionable material in all peaceful [my emphasis] nuclear activities within the territory of such State, under its jurisdiction, or carried out under its control anywhere” (art. 3.1). The NPT leaves obscure how the IAEA could be involved in verifying nuclear disarmament.

  24. This is in contrast to Habermas’s (1995, p. 117) normative definition of deliberative justice which “rests on the intuition that… from an [transparent] interlocking of perspectives emerges an ideally extended we-perspective.”

  25. The same proposal was also expressed outside the ACRS deliberations: for instance, the U.N. General Assembly commissioned a report in 1990 to the Secretary General, whose conclusions made it clear that a Zone could adopt more rigorous “verification procedures” than those adopted by the IAEA (Feldman, 1997a, p. 160).

  26. Foreign Minister Shimon Peres had publicly said that after Israel signed peace with all the member-states of the Zone, it would only take two years for Israel to start the nuclear disarmament phase (Landau, 2008, p. 13).

  27. Israel pointed to the fact that the IAEA had failed to conduct “short notice” and “challenge” inspections in order to maintain good relationships with member-states (Feldman, 1997a, p. 154).

  28. This is why others have proposed that the “Middle East” be modeled after “Africa,” and that Middle Eastern states should look at the Pelindaba Treaty (Miller and Scheinman, 2007).

  29. The process of institutionalization started in 1994, as Feldman (1997a, pp. 14, 15) underlines, as the ACRS activities forced inexperienced central administrations in many Arab countries to “develop a cadre of experts” and to “appoint individuals and small governmental bodies to prepare for ACRS activities, creating small bureaucratic islands that had gradually developed more than a fleeting interest in arms control.”

  30. Egypt only obtained a complementary “Resolution on the Middle East,” which called all NPT signatories to facilitate the creation of the Zone (Feldman, 1997a, p. 222), as a face-saving token. The NPT Review and Extension Conference did not mention Israel by name.

  31. Neither was the Egypt-led boycott of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) followed by Arab states, most of which had signed the CWC by the end of 1993.

  32. Seen from the point of view of legitimacy, positively ignoring (or “obviating”) the military past (like the story of many campaigns and battles) as an object of knowledge allowed Kahn to de-legitimize the monopoly that military professionals had over military knowledge, and speak to a broader American public.

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Acknowledgements

This paper was presented at the conference on Predictions in International Security, (March 2012), organized by Sciences-Po Paris, and to the John L. Loeb Conflict and Consolidation Workshop (November 2013), Harvard University. Many thanks to Kerry Chance, Ariel Colonomos, Jean Comaroff, Noah Feldman, Michèle Lamont, Jocelyn Viterna, and the other participants for extremely useful feedback. Research for this paper has been made possible by the support of various Crown Family Middle East Research Awards (2010 and 2011) provided by Northwestern University, and the support of a Jean Monnet Fellowship (2011–2012), provided by the European University Institute (Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies).

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Mallard, G. From Europe’s past to the Middle East’s future: The constitutive purpose of forward analogies in international security. Am J Cult Sociol 6, 532–562 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41290-017-0049-3

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