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Can Public Housing Decrease Segregation? Lessons and Challenges From Non-European Immigration in France

Can Public Housing Decrease Segregation?

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Demography

Abstract

Recent decades have seen a rapid increase in the share of non-European immigrants in public housing in Europe, which has led to concern regarding the rise of ghettos in large cities. Using French census data over three decades, we examine how this increase in public housing participation has affected segregation. While segregation levels have increased moderately, on average, the number of immigrant enclaves has grown. The growth of enclaves is being driven by the large increase in non-European immigrants in the census tracts where the largest housing projects are located, both in the housing projects and the surrounding nonpublic dwellings. As a result, contemporary differences in segregation levels across metropolitan areas are being shaped by the concentration of public housing within cities, in particular the share of non-European immigrants in large housing projects constructed before the 1980s. Nevertheless, the overall effect of public housing on segregation has been ambiguous. While large projects have increased segregation, the inflows of non-European immigrants into small projects have brought many immigrants into census tracts where they have previously been rare and, thus, diminished segregation levels.

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Notes

  1. The Maghreb is a North African region that includes Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, and Mauritania.

  2. They are defined as having at least one immigrant parent from non-European origin.

  3. This corresponds to the definition of unités urbaines.

  4. We constructed pseudo–IRISs by aggregating contiguous census blocks to create a zone with a population of approximately 2,500 inhabitants. For the 1990 census, we use a correspondence table provided by the French statistical institute that aggregates census blocks into IRISs.

  5. The index is the weighted average of each immigrant proportion in the population of each census tract, weighted by the number of immigrants in each tract.

  6. The adjusted isolation index Eta2 is equal to 0 when the share of immigrants is similar in all census tracts and corresponds to their share in the population; it equals 1 when immigrants are found only in census tracts without any nonmembers.

  7. We categorize a household as immigrant if the head of household is an immigrant.

  8. In many countries, but not France, the private sector is increasingly involved in social housing through public and private partnership in development and ownership (Whitehead and Scanlon 2007:12–13).

  9. Kemeny’s (1995, 2001, 2006) distinction between a dualist rental market and a unitary or integrated rental market is similar in many respects but places more emphasis on the degree of competition between the not-for-profit (public) system and the for-profit private market.

  10. According to figures from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. See https://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/program_offices/public_indian_housing/programs/ph.

  11. That categorization is not reported in the census data, but we have information on the construction year.

  12. The standard category (PLUS) includes all units constructed before 1977 and 74 % of units constructed after (Guillon 2017:11).

  13. This was not always the case: until the mid-1970s, immigrants were discriminated against to discourage family-based migration and to avoid their concentration in the housing projects (Schor 1996:214; Stébé 2013:106; Weil 2005).

  14. The stability of immigration is explained by the decrease in the population of older European immigrants who arrived before the 1930s that was compensated for by the increase of non-European immigration.

  15. These cross-sectional differences must be interpreted with caution because they also reflect differences in cohort characteristics (Borjas 1985) and are affected by return migration that changes the composition of cohorts over time (Dustmann 2003).

  16. With the exception of urban renewal programs, few public housing projects were demolished over that period.

  17. We include only metro areas with a population of non-European migrants larger than 500 individuals.

  18. A limitation of these comparisons is that the size of French census tracts is two times lower than the size of U.S. census tracts. Quillian and Lagrange (2016) demonstrated that as a consequence of these differences in scale, segregation measures are inflated in France in comparison with the United States. Another issue is that our dissimilarity indices are calculated using all nongroup members instead of white natives. Although we cannot use white natives as a comparison group, we calculated dissimilarity indices using native households and found that this only marginally changed the indices.

  19. The distribution is taken conditionally on having some inhabitants in public housing.

  20. As discussed earlier, we cannot match census tracts from the 1982 census over time; thus, the sample is restricted to the period from 1990 to 2012.

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Acknowledgments

This research was supported by a French state grant (Grant No. ANR-10-EQPX-17; Centre d’accès sécurisé aux données, CASD), the LABEX Ecodec (ANR-11-LABX-0047) and the “Flash Asile” program of the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR-16-FASI-0001). The authors accessed the data via the Centre d'accès sécurisé distant (CASD), dedicated to the use of authorized researchers, following the approval of the Comité français du secret statistique. We thank the editors and three anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions. We also thank conference and seminar participants at the Population Association of America in Chicago, the Paris School of Economics, Université Paris Sud, GATE Lyon Saint-Etienne, and INED in Paris for insightful comments that helped to shape the article.

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  1. Centre d’Économie de la Sorbonne, Université Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne, 106-112 Boulevard de l’Hôpital, 75647, Cedex 13, Paris, France

    Gregory Verdugo

  2. OFCE, Sciences Po, Paris, France

    Gregory Verdugo

  3. CREST, ENSAE, Université Paris Saclay, Palaiseau, France

    Sorana Toma

  4. Institut National d’Etudes Démographiques, Paris, France

    Sorana Toma

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Verdugo, G., Toma, S. Can Public Housing Decrease Segregation? Lessons and Challenges From Non-European Immigration in France. Demography 55, 1803–1828 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0705-4

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