Abstract
The political articulation of sexual violence, as legally understood today, took place in India from 1970s onward. In succeeding decades, its definition broadened, positioning it in contexts of caste-based violence, of violence against women at workplaces, and of custodial violence. The Delhi gang rape case, in 2012, introduced another set of political and legal articulations, simultaneously revealing the very politics around them. This paper begins by tracking these phases and definitions, to emphasize one area where such violence has been vocalized the most in recent years, i.e. institutes of higher education in India. Legal codes in this context, carry grave contradictions. Beside, altogether different interpretation occurs when these are applied within institutes of higher education via bureaucratic channels. Recorded cases have shown presence since 2013, except in some regions which appear in negligible measure. Therefore, alongside tracing the historical journey of political articulations of sexual violence in institutes of higher education, this paper takes the case of Raipur city, in the state of Chhattisgarh located in the central-eastern part of India, which has negligible presence in sexual violence crime records in the context of higher educational institutes. Based on a close reading of legal texts, and field visits conducted across institutions in Raipur between 2020–2022, I argue that the limitation of law in combating gender violence, appears not when it is neglected, but often when it is consciously reinterpreted against minority communities, despite claiming to protect those very communities. I attempt to reassess the potential of ‘law’ as a tool to combat gender violence, around existing debates around society and law.
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Notes
Durkheim differentiates between different kinds of societies, and gives elaborate description on ‘law’ in his 1893 work, The Division of Labour in Society.
Marx opines about ‘law’ in his 1848 co-authored work with Engels, entitled, The Communist Manifesto.
It is important to note that scholars who have analysed feminist movements in India in waves, have marked 1970s as the start of second wave. However, simultaneously, many women collectives at the margins were vocalising movements and protests all over the country with significant effects. The 1970s has been criticised for being exclusionary in its articulation. However, this era directly led to legal articulations of sexual violence, as is known today in India.
The Justice J.S. Verma Committee is also known as the only legal document, which suggested that marital rape must be criminalized in India.
The University Grants Commission (UGC) is a statutory organization, a part of the Government of India, established in 1956. It is responsible for coordinating and maintaining research, teaching and evaluative systems in higher education in India.
See also, Gautam Bhatia’s, The Transformative Constitution: A Radical Biography in Nine Acts, published in 2019.
Some perpetrators of the Delhi gang rape case were sentenced with death penalty. Some feminist and civil rights reports, radically sought against the same. By the mention of fast-track legal proceedings in this case, I do not imply an argument in favour of death penalty. The point is to articulate what pushes the law to act on an immediate basis, with relation to sexual violence.
The term modesty has been used in laws against sexual violence, such as, outraging a woman’s modesty, and is punishable by law. Although after 2013, this term was removed from some statutes, it still remains under Sect. 354 of the Indian Penal Code and the 1989, SC & ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
The term Nehruvian connotes matters of policy, initiated under post-independence India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru.
Interview conducted on July 13, 2022.
Interview conducted on July 14, 2022.
Interview conducted on July 8, 2022.
Interview conducted on February 11, 2023.
Saksham. New Delhi: University Grants Commission (Deeya Media Arts), 2013. https://www.ugc.ac.in/pdfnews/5873997_saksham-book.pdf.
These are categories designation and recognised by the Indian Constitution for various forms of affirmative action, and include historically disadvantaged communities and groups. All public institutes in India are constitutionally mandated to follow reservations for these communities. Each category, especially OBC, has a distinct nature and history behind its recognition. Communities that fall under these categories differ regionally within India.
The National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) is a part of the UGC, primarily responsible for granting grades to institutes. It is a part of the Government of India.
Interview conducted on July 12, 2022.
Interview conducted on July 15, 2022.
Interview conducted on October 25, 2022.
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Das, A. Law and Sexual Violence: A Critical Ethnography of Higher Education in India. Int J Semiot Law (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11196-023-10093-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11196-023-10093-0