Abstract
Prostitution diversion program participants who have experienced lifelong patterns of abuse, including child polyvictimization and later adult victimization, may exhibit greater trauma symptomatology than participants who have not experienced lifelong abuse. If true, these participants may face unique barriers to successful program completion as a result of their increased trauma symptomatology. This calls into question whether incarceration is an appropriate sanction for program failure. Data from a prostitution diversion program located in Houston, Texas, was used to conduct a series of bivariate analyses that examined whether participants who had experienced multiple types of child abuse: (1) were more criminally involved, (2) were more likely to report adult victimization, and (3) exhibited greater trauma symptomatology relative to program participants who had never experienced child abuse, or only experienced a single type. Participants who had experienced multiple types of child abuse were more likely to report adult victimization and greater trauma symptomatology relative to participants who had not experienced any child abuse. The prostitution diversion program examined in this study contained a subgroup of participants who had experienced multiple types of child abuse, possessed an increased risk of adult victimization, and reported greater trauma symptomatology. These participants are trauma survivors, and may face unique barriers to program completion. Consequently, incarceration is a misguided sanction for program failure, as it may lead to further traumatization.
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Notes
Debate currently exists within the field over whether sex trafficking (sexual exploitation) and prostitution are fundamentally linked, or two distinct and unrelated phenomena. Scholars who contend that sex trafficking and prostitution are linked cite economic principles of demand, supply, and distribution (Pfeffer et al. 2017). Specifically, buyers are considered to generate demand for commercial sex that motivates facilitators (pimps and traffickers) to distribute sellers to buyers. Sellers then supply sex to buyers in return for money, and facilitators take a portion of the profits (Shively et al. 2012). Within this framework, sex trafficking and prostitution are both driven by buyers' demands. If the level of demand from buyers exceeds the supply of sellers available in the local prostitution market, or buyers demand sellers with attributes not naturally present in the area, facilitators will acquire additional sellers through sex trafficking to augment the local supply (Hedlin 2016). In recognition of this dynamic—the overlap between sex trafficking and prostitution—the terms "prostituted individuals" and "sexually exploited individuals" are used interchangeably throughout this article.
Vulnerable individuals may enter the commercial sex trade for a variety of other reasons, including substance dependency issues (Wiechelt and Shdaimah 2011), residing in a neighborhood that offers few legitimate employment opportunities (Monroe 2005), or to obtain basic necessities like food and shelter (Shdaimah and Wiechelt 2013).
Victimization and trauma symptomatology were not included as predictors because these measures were only assessed in SAFE Court participants.
This screening process for sex trafficking was imperfect. Over the 2-year duration of SAFE Court, four individuals were ruled eligible for the program (non-trafficked) only for service providers to later uncover evidence suggesting that they had been trafficked. An additional three individuals managed to successfully complete SAFE Court before evidence emerged that they were possible sex trafficking victims. This demonstrates how thin the line is at times between prostitution and sex trafficking, and how hard it can be for even trained professionals to properly distinguish between prostituted individuals and sex trafficking victims.
An explanation of why these individuals likely declined participation in SAFE Court is provided in the discussion section.
All participants were subjected to random drug tests as a condition of their participation in SAFE Court. This testing occurred regardless of whether a participant had ever previously tested positive for substance use. Positive urine screen is included as an outcome because it measures one aspect of participants' ability to remain free from criminal justice involvement. As such, it serves as a proxy measure for general recidivism.
When presenting reasons why prostitution should not be criminalized, Kuo (2002, p. 125) argued that "criminalization...strengthens the prostitutes' dependence on pimps, who will post bail, arrange child care, and obtain legal counsel when they do get arrested."
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Updegrove, A.H., Muftic, L.R. Childhood Polyvictimization, Adult Violent Victimization, and Trauma Symptomatology: An Exploratory Study of Prostitution Diversion Program Participants. J Fam Viol 34, 733–743 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-018-0015-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-018-0015-z