Abstract
Contemporary cities are increasingly governed through space. In this article, we examine how urban space and perceptions thereof can influence the social control in the area of incivilities. To this end, we first inspect the existing literature, in particular the socio-spatial studies that emphasise the importance of culture and values in the interaction with social control. Partly drawing on examples from our previous studies, we suggest that people’s perceptions of urban space (influenced by cultural symbols, social and media representations, aesthetics and other values) affect their perceptions of incivilities, while the latter often determine or at least importantly contribute to the shaping of the social control of incivilities. We further highlight the role of gentrification as a medium and a tool of social control. The paper concludes by discussing implications of this for the possible future, more integrated and interdisciplinary research on the social control of incivilities in the city.
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Notes
In Belgium, for example, incivilities are tackled with “municipal administrative sanctions” (gementelijke administratieve sancties); in Germany and Slovenia, they are mostly considered violations (Ordnungswidrigkeiten, prekrški), which form part of the criminal law, even though they are not criminal offences in the strict sense. Anti-social behaviour orders (ASBOs), massively used throughout England and Wales since 1999, before the new anti-social behaviour legislation of 2014 coming into force, were civil-law orders, when – if breached – gained a criminal law nature.
The physical layout of bars and public spaces, including their opportunities to sit, stand and move, the availability of toilet facilities, the proximity of other people etc., have been found, for example, to influence drinkers’ experiences of drinking and drunkenness in night-time locations [31].
For example, in Rome, the area around the House of Representatives (Palazzo Montecitorio) combines very old historical buildings (including the Pantheon and many other Ancient Roman monuments, along with Baroque churches and statues) with shopping malls (mainly, in Corso Como and via di Campo Marzio), expensive boutiques and design shops.
http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/perception.html. That there is a frequent mismatch between perceptions of anti-social behaviour and an objective measure thereof has also been observed by researchers who drafted the 2010 Home Office Research Report 34 (see [44]).
Félonneau used a sample of 150 students who had lived in the city of Bordeaux for at least 3 years. A later study similarly found that people living in Paris are less annoyed by environmental nuisance (physical incivilities), the use of cars and other (more social) incivilities, than people living in other French provincial cities, possibly due to a more positive social representation of the urban environment [47].
Social psychologists remind us that while individual experience and perceptions are not to be dismissed, we have to remember that “nearly everything which a person knows they have learnt from another, either through their accounts, or through the language which is acquired, or the objects which are used”. The roots of our knowledge are “submerged in the way of life and collective practices in which everyone participates” and it is this mutual interaction in which significant knowledge and beliefs originate ([50]: 216 (all quotes)).
Dixon et al. [51] claim that incivilities are the product of the moral rules that apply to a specific urban space (or of the social construction of public space).
The idea that landscapes are to be read through their culture and history has been traced back to Carl Sauer [53] and his Berkeley School of cultural geography (for a review of the latter see Jackson [54] and Hubbard [32]). That various symbols are conveyed through, among others, urban architectures as a result of the specific city history and culture has been further elaborated by urban symbolic ecology (e.g. [55]).
An abandoned car filled with plants, to use Millie’s [57] example, may be considered and celebrated as an art installation in one city area and a traffic violation in other commercial urban districts.
As recently argued by Crocitti and Selmini [61], most of the Italian municipalities, which have enacted administrative orders against uncivil behaviour, have penalised street prostitution. Many of these orders, moreover, have addressed the behaviour and especially the “appearance” of street prostitutes (or the way they are dressed), which are considered “threats to urban safety and ‘public decency’, and a situation that creates a feeling of insecurity in citizens living or passing nearby” ([61]: 9).
The selected nightlife locations were the Vlasmarkt and the Oude Beestenmarkt, in Ghent. In Trento, they were the area around the Santa Maria Maggiore Square and the one of via Roma, via delle Orfane and vicolo Colico.
A “typical” gentrifier still comes from middle classes, although the term has seen some significant expansion in the last decade. While previously it was the young, single, childless professionals who tended to enjoy the city and were presented as the driving force of gentrification, it is now progressively also middle-class families raising children in the city who find living in the inner city a good way to combine “careerism and familism” ([66]: 2582) and, even more recently, the super-rich who drive further gentrification [67].
In a recent study by eCrime [72], researchers studying residents’ perceptions of urban (physical and social) disorder in different areas of Trento and comparing them with objective indicators (as recorded by law enforcers) found that while in most neighbourhoods they tended to match, in some other neighbourhoods (specifically, in the neighbourhoods of Meano and Sardagna) residents’ perceptions of disorder where higher than expected on the basis of the reported objective levels of disorder.
Innes [43] has underscored the importance of considering the specific cultural context of the community under study to enhance our understanding of the events that act as a signal of the risk of crime and disorder (as opposed to other events, which are not perceived as threats to the collective security).
Support for gentrification policies by those with lower incomes for whom it would likely be more difficult to afford to live or continue living in new, gentrified areas may suggest a further, more psychological factor at play. Some research has shown, for example, that perceptions of disorder significantly affect residents’ self-esteem and that “impoverished and deteriorating surroundings are internalised and incorporated into an individual’s self-image” ([91]: 992). It may be that gentrification perceived as “beautifying” the city could, conversely, increase the urbanite’s self-worth and therefore receive his or her support.
It was, however, first built in 1882 for the purposes of Austro-Hungarian Army. For more on the history and development of Metelkova City see Retina [93].
In the recent case of Garib v. The Netherlands (judgment of 23 February 2016), for example, the European Court of Human Rights (concretely, its Third Section) found no violation of the applicant’s freedom to choose one’s residence (Article 2 Protocol no. 4) in the case of the city of Rotterdam imposing a minimum income limit on those wishing to reside in certain inner-city areas (unless the minimum duration of residence requirement was met), which effectively prevented the applicant from residing in the area of Tarwewijk. Such gentrification measure, restricting the said freedom, was seen as serving the legitimate aim “to reverse the decline of impoverished inner-city areas and to improve quality of life generally” (§110). Even the two dissenting judges who have found the violation in the present case, however, considered city policies striving to improve impoverished areas, including “urban planning favouring more luxurious apartments”, as “unquestionably legitimate” as long as they are not linked to personal characteristics (§23).
Millie’s attempt [95] is a noteworthy, yet rather lonely example. His focus groups among the minority and marginalised Londoners revealed that all social groups can be anti-social, but that the anti-social behaviour of some of them remains less visible or less acknowledged, for example, the abuse the homeless receive from “the suits”.
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Peršak, N., Di Ronco, A. Urban space and the social control of incivilities: perceptions of space influencing the regulation of anti-social behaviour. Crime Law Soc Change 69, 329–347 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-017-9739-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-017-9739-6