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On the road to industrialization: nutritional status in Saxony, 1690–1850

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Abstract

Saxony was one of the pioneer regions in the German modern economic growth. We analyze the Saxon nutritional status to infer the effects of early industrialization on the population standard of living. We find that the nutritional status in the eighteenth century was relatively high and heights fluctuated mainly because of wars. From the 1770s the average nutritional status declined steadily, with the exception of the Napoleonic period, until the mid of the nineteenth century. The decline, particularly accentuated after 1815, is related to the high share of urbanization, the increase in the relative price of food, and the strong dependence on food imports.

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Notes

  1. For the United Kingdom see Floud, Wachter and Gregory (1990), Komlos (1993), and Cinnirella (2007); for the Habsburg-Austrian Empire Komlos (1985); for Northern Italy A’Hearn (2003); for Sweden Sandberg and Steckel (1987); for the Netherlands Drukker and Tassenaar (1997).

  2. Forberger (1958) reports that 170 new big factories were founded in the whole eighteenth century; 101 of those had been founded between 1771 and 1800.

  3. See Tipton (1976). Unfortunately the shares for the whole Germany include also Saxony.

  4. See Kiesewetter (1988) chapter VII and Kiesewetter(1982).

  5. See Kroll (2006) and Forberger (1958).

  6. For example taller people were more able to reload the bayonets. See Kroll (2006).

  7. When there is universal conscription at a given age, height distributions by recruitment year or by cohort are not different. But when, as in Saxony before Napoleon, the recruitment is also based on volunteers of different ages, height distributions should be inspected by recruitment year in order to avoid misspecification of the MHR.

  8. The model of army followed by Saxony after 1815 was the French one with a relatively long service (around 8 years) with a strict selection and the possibility of substitutions. An individual initially chosen for the army could pay a second person in order to substitute him. For a comparison between European army systems see Ilari (1989).

  9. For a detailed description of the history of the Saxon army in the eighteenth century see Kroll (2006).

  10. Assuming a low degree of intergenerational mobility.

  11. According to the figures of the census, in 1849 the occupational distribution was 37.4% in agriculture, 45.6% in industry, and 17.0% in the service sector (Tipton 1976, p. 185).

  12. Within manufacturing, textile and clothing accounted for more than 75% (Tipton 1976, p. 185).

  13. Komlos (2003) analyzed French soldiers born between 1660 and 1760.

  14. The share of soldiers younger than 18 years is anyway negligible.

  15. Their inclusion does not alter qualitatively our results.

  16. The towns are Dresden, Leipzig, Chemnitz and Zwickau.

  17. For studies on height cycles see Woitek (2003).

  18. See Komlos and Cinnirella (2005).

  19. In the period analyzed in this article, three wars had a large impact on Saxony: (1) the Austrian Succession War (1741–1748); (2) the Seven Years War (1756–1763), and (3) the Napoleonic Wars (1793–1815).

  20. Marriage rates are here defined as the ratio of total number of marriages on population per 1,000.

  21. Given the scarcity of labor with respect to land and capital, also real wages should rise. See Clark (2007) pp. 115–116.

  22. Rising food prices are reported in Schirmer (1996) and Gerhard (2001). See also Baten (2001) and Klasen (1998).

  23. Dresden had 21,000 inhabitants in 1699, 46,000 in 1727. During the Seven Years War Dresden had around 63,000 inhabitants; after the war 44,000. In 1852 it had 100,000 inhabitants. Leipzig had 14,000 in 1648, 32,000 in 1753, and 26,000 after the Seven Years War.

  24. See the data section for an explanation of the different approaches in dealing with truncated distributions.

  25. O’Rourke (2005).

  26. Rye, wheat, barley, and oats.

  27. See Kiesewetter (1988), Table 15 on p. 284 and Table 23 on p. 321.

  28. On the importance of potatoes in Saxony see also Baten (2001).

  29. Estimation results not reported here.

  30. Ewert (2006) on the contrary finds a height advantage for urban residents. His evidence can hardly be reconciled with the strong urbanization of early industrial Saxony.

  31. Similar differentials in magnitude have been estimated for twentieth century India in a recent study by Guntupalli and Baten (2006). Komlos (2005) estimated a very large differential between rich (Sandhurst) and poor (Marine Society) British youths in the eighteenth and nineteenth century: at age of 16 the height gap reached 22 cm.

  32. The fact that the coefficient for the textile occupation is much larger in the mining district probably derives from our allocation of counties between the textile and mining area. The two districts obviously cannot be easily defined as some counties could in principle belong to both areas. In any event, this does not flaw our results.

  33. See Cinnirella (2007) and Humphries (1990) for studies about the impact of the English enclosures on the standard of living.

  34. See also Clark (2007) about Britain before 1800.

  35. See Steckel and Floud (1997), p. 424.

  36. See Floud et al. (1990).

  37. Steckel and Floud (1997).

  38. Swedish people, due also to their high level of literacy, were more sensitive to government propaganda in favor of breast-feeding and general public health (Sandberg and Steckel, 1997).

  39. In this sense it is also important to note the role played the river Elbe which connected Dresden with the market of Hamburg.

  40. The decline in livestock production in favor of grain production in Germany was probably due to the phenomenon of the enclosures (Klasen, 1998).

  41. Twarog (1997) can also control for father’s occupation. The occupational differentials quoted here are for soldiers with the same occupation of the fathers.

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Acknowledgments

Francesco Cinnirella. The author is particularly grateful to John Komlos for his precious comments. The author also thanks Jörg Baten, Scott Carson, Michela Coppola, Hubertus Kiesewetter, Marco Sunder, and two anonymous referees for their comments. Thanks are also due to the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft which funded the data collection and to T. Barth, B. Lepši,and H. Prée who collected the data. An earlier version of the paper was presented at the Sixth Conference of the European Historical Economics Society in Istanbul, at the 30th annual meeting of the Social Science History Association in Portland, Oregon, and at the 3rd international conference on Economics and Human Biology held in Strasbourg, France. Possible remaining errors are those of the author.

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Cinnirella, F. On the road to industrialization: nutritional status in Saxony, 1690–1850. Cliometrica 2, 229–257 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11698-007-0020-6

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