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Political Coercion and Cliometrics

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Handbook of Cliometrics

Abstract

States can use various negative incentive schemes against non-state morality groups. When the strength of this pressure is sufficiently strong to be labeled malignant, these measures fall within the definition of political coercion surveyed in this chapter. The survey focuses on a selection of rational actor theories explaining the macro-level political coercion published in the last 20 years. We also refer to literature in adjacent fields aimed at creating an understanding of political coercion. Some of the theories explain outcomes that relate to the absence of political coercion, that is democracy, state-society balance, and liberty.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For example, German citizens who grew up under a communist regime are more likely to be dishonest Ariely et al. (2019). In the study, participants with backgrounds from DDR report significantly higher results on a dice-rolling task producing to attain higher earnings Ariely et al. (2019). Another side of reducing the ability for collective action is the erosion of social trust through the use of informants to identify citizens criticizing the regime. The Stasi famously kept files on an estimated six million people and built up a network of civilian informants that monitored politically incorrect behavior among other citizens. This caused a vast amount of distrust among the population of the DDR that did not know who might report them or whether adverse career outcomes were due to a lack of performance, or, a lack of enthusiasm for socialism.

  2. 2.

    Note that a few eras of history are of particular interest to students of political coercion. In particular the authoritarian states of the twentieth century, the new economic history of the Soviet Union (Zhuravskaya et al. 2021), qualitative grand narratives of the twentieth century wars Ferguson (2012), quantitative analysis seeking the causes of the rise of Nazism (Galofré-Vilà et al. 2021) and surveys of classic literature on the rise of the Nazi regime Fritz (1987); Larsen et al. (1980). The early European modernity Johnson and Koyama (2019); Rubin (2017) would be of specific interest to students of political coercion. The Handbook of Cliometrics also has a chapter that is of particular interest in understanding political coercion – Mark Koyama’s chapter on “Political Economy” in this handbook.

  3. 3.

    Implicitly we assume personalities, ideologies, and ability to control are not the relevant factors driving coercion levels. This is, naturally usually a simplification. Since we are dealing with authoritarian regimes with no rule of law, the ante is high, which implies that getting fired is not the end of one career and perhaps the start of another, but a substantial risk that it is the end of your life. Simultaneously, this implies that the cost of disobeying is high but that once it is sufficiently likely that a cost will occur, the actions of the players can be drastic. The dictator must take this into account, which implies that the dynamics can differ substantially from the inner workings of organizations in law-governed free democracies. In formal models of politics, authoritarian regimes are covered in excellent recent surveys by Konstantin Sonin, who has a number of models on this (Egorov and Sonin 2020; Gehlbach et al. 2016), note also Mark Koyama and Desierto’s work on coalition formation in feudal states (Desierto and Koyama 2022). Autocrats’ personalities and ideologies differ; consider two emblematic twentieth century autocrats, Hitler and Stalin. Stalin was a workaholic, bureaucratic, micromanager Stalin while Hitler spontaneously made sudden changes and believed in competition between his subordinates. Hitler deliberately created overlapping areas of responsibility to foster competition between his subordinates (Kershaw and Lewin 1997). This type of inner dynamics is largely brushed over from the theoretical side, and evidence to support a given theory is thus valid to the degree that policies arise from the proposed factors and not the inner politics of the regimes.

  4. 4.

    Readers who are in the market for a precise method to sort a complex empirical reality by a more appropriate taxonomy referred to political science literature on political control (Hassan et al. 2022).

  5. 5.

    This definition is a simple rewrite of NATO’s definition of military deterrence which can be found at https://www.nato.int/docu/review/articles/2016/08/05/on-deterrence/index.html

  6. 6.

    For a proper introduction of the Gulag system consider Applebaum (2003) and Zhuravskaya et al. (2021).

  7. 7.

    To think of the behavioral side of this in a contemporary setting, consider striking up a conversation with a libertarian prime minister on the need to have some surveillance to limit domestic terrorism. Or, consider striking up a conversation with a Marxist leader on the need for individual economic freedom. Both would most likely consider your proposal a dangerous idea as it would respectively increase or decrease the influence of the state, which they respectively detest or love.

  8. 8.

    Perhaps, the fact that the Nazis did not wish for their Holocaust victims to change morality, as it was not open to them, is why they so openly documented their crimes against humanity. Nazism is one of the few essentially racist ideologies that did not seek to convert but rather enslave and destroy. For state moralities seeking to convert, coercion needs to be reasonably covert.

  9. 9.

    For an example of quantitative work consider the work of Freedom House Repucci and Slipowitz (2021). For a qualitative analysis of our contemporary times Shapiro (2019) argues convincingly in favor of trends that appear to indicate that democracy is deteriorating in the West in complex and perhaps intertwined ways along with conjectures of the historical patterns that have caused the successes and failures.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Jean Pascal Bassino, Baard Borge, Derek John Clark, Theocharis Grigoriadis, Jared Rubin, David Ong, and Anton Weiss-Wendt for help with this project. I thank my PhD supervisors, Avner Greif and Bertil Tungodden, for their help on my PhD dissertation that this paper draws on. Further, I would also like to thank the Norwegian Centre for Holocaust and Minority Studies, The Hoover Archives, Hitotsubashi University, and the Stanford Department of Economics for their hospitality during parts of the work culminating with this survey. I am also grateful to Daniel Fabio Groth and Daniel Nikolai Johannessen for excellent research assistance as well as to the School of Business and Economics at UiT The Arctic University of Norway for funding and administration. Last but not least, this work is dedicated to the memory of all the victims of political coercion who paid the ultimate price for the callousness of a few and the folly and cowardliness of many. All errors in the manuscript are the responsibility of the author.

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Schøyen, Ø. (2024). Political Coercion and Cliometrics. In: Diebolt, C., Haupert, M. (eds) Handbook of Cliometrics. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35583-7_82

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