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The Purpose of Psychosocial Studies

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Abstract

This chapter is about the prospects for Psychosocial Studies as a new academic discipline or subject-area. It will ask about the conditions which have enabled previous academic developments of this kind to succeed. Its central argument is that this has usually been where a new field has fulfilled social purposes beyond those of the academy itself. Such disciplines have given definition and form to values and interests located within different spheres of society. I am first going to discuss the examples of sociology and psychology, since it is in reaction to the contrary constraints of those fields that Psychosocial Studies has emerged, challenging the human adequacy of both of them. As with the other major social science disciplines, governments have had a large role in their promotion and establishment, though currents in civil society have had their part in this too. The social sciences have tended to see themselves as having a largely emancipatory social role. But there have been significant critiques of their functions and effects by Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno and by Michel Foucault. Advocates of Psychosocial Studies may wish to consider whether their field is to be understood as bringing potential benefit to humankind, and if so, in what ways?

I am secondly going to consider the examples of three smaller and more recent intellectual initiatives, mainly from a UK perspective. These are Leavisite English Studies built around the journal Scrutiny (1934–1953); Cultural Studies, originating at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies in Birmingham (1964–2002); and the intellectual movement which came to be called Science Technology and Society, or STS, the social scientific study of the practices of the natural sciences and technology. Each of these initiatives has achieved a significant influence, though none of them have become established academic disciplines, as for example sociology, psychology, and anthropology had long since done. All three of these fields have distinctive theoretical and methodological foundations. But they have also all depended on having had connections with social and cultural movements outside the academy. My suggestion is Psychosocial Studies will only succeed in establishing itself as a new academic field if it is also fulfilling such broader social purposes. At the end of this chapter, I will suggest how one might begin to identify what these might be. I hope that readers might be able to find parallels to the examples of intellectual movements I have given here, located perhaps in different national contexts.

But perhaps the most important question to ask of Psychosocial Studies is about its purpose. Why should we want to see this field grow and develop?

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Notes

  1. 1.

    One such attempt was made by Norbert Elias (1939/1994), in his “figurational” approach, but his has remained a minority position in sociology.

  2. 2.

    Examples of such work are Denis Marsden’s Education and the Working Class (1962), and Paul Willis’s Learning to Labour (1977).

  3. 3.

    The development of many disciplines at UEL is described in M. Rustin and G. Poynter (eds) Building a Radical University: A History of the University of East London. (2020). I should declare a personal interest – in the 1990s I was Dean of a Faculty of Social Sciences at UEL, which included Departments of Cultural Studies, Innovation Studies (a variety of STS), and Psycho-Social Studies, as well as Sociology.

  4. 4.

    Its aim was to give expression to the experience of people in subordinate positions in society, or subjected to its sanctions. “History from Below” was an allied current, giving rise among much other writing to the History Workshop Journal (1976–present).

  5. 5.

    In Essex’s case, this allowed the establishment of a Psychoanalytic Studies Unit (now a Department of Psychosocial and Psychoanalytic Studies), of which Robert Hinshelwood and Karl Figlio were founding members. In UEL’s case, there was a large partnership with the Tavistock Clinic in which postgraduate courses were a substantial element.

  6. 6.

    Notably in the Improved Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) programme (Layard & Clark, 2014).

  7. 7.

    The field of sociology, by contrast, found itself engaged in many arguments and disagreements over issues of theory and method.

  8. 8.

    Ronald Inglehart’s (1977) idea of a hierarchy of human needs, evolving as societies become richer, may be related to this value-oriented cluster of fields. The considerable interest in psychoanalysis in contemporary China may be an example of this kind of cultural development.

  9. 9.

    There are major philosophical debates about these issues, for example, in discussions of utilitarianism (Wollheim, 1993, Sen & Williams, 1982) and in contrapositions of utilitarian and Aristotelian perspectives (Nussbaum & Sen, 1973). The Frankfurt School’s critiques of the ideology of capitalism are also relevant (Horkheimer & Adorno, 1947; Marcuse, 1964).

  10. 10.

    Among its leading contributors, in addition to F.R. and Q.D. Leavis, were D.W, Harding, L.C. Knights, Wilfred Mellers, James Smith, and Denys Thompson.

  11. 11.

    In the experience of many schoolteachers, if they were thinking in Leavisite terns, the working classes were those outside the school gates, by no means always sympathetic, whether as parents or adolescents, to the teachers’ work in their classrooms.

  12. 12.

    See his description of this work in “Absolute Beginnings,” Universities and Left Review (1959).

  13. 13.

    A different development which had its point of departure in Leavisism attacked its insular Anglo-centrism and empiricism and sought instead to establish literary studies as requiring a theoretical foundation, drawing for example on structuralist and poststructuralist ideas, and connecting English studies with an intellectual network of ideas. Some of the leading figures in this development, such as Terry Eagleton (2022), although highly critical of Leavis’s ideas, have nevertheless acknowledged his example of committed intellectual engagement.

  14. 14.

    For histories of this development, see Dworkin (1997), Moglen and Steinhpouse (1989), and Grossberg et al., 1992).

  15. 15.

    Its origin (1952) was in an earlier generation, including influential Communist Party historians such as Christopher Hill, Rodney Hilton, and Edward Thompson.

  16. 16.

    Rustin (1991) argued this case in arguing for an expanded definition of citizenship in the contest of the British welfare state.

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Correspondence to Michael Rustin .

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Rustin, M. (2024). The Purpose of Psychosocial Studies. In: Frosh, S., Vyrgioti, M., Walsh, J. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Psychosocial Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-30366-1_42

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